SIME DARBY
NEWS RELEASE SEPTEMBER 30, 2007
SYNERGY DRIVE COMPLETES BOARD
Tun Musa Hitam Is Chairman
KUALA LUMPUR, September 30 – Synergy Drive Bhd (Synergy Drive) has announced the appointment of six new directors and the resignation of three interim directors appointed by sponsoring investment bank, CIMB Investment Bank Berhad.
The new additions to the Board of Directors (Board) are Tun Musa Hitam, Tan Sri Dato’ Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid, Dr. Arifin M Siregar, Dato’ Henry Sackville Barlow, Dato' Dr. Abdul Halim Haji Ismail and Datin Paduka Zaitoon Dato’ Othman.
The new appointees join the six directors who were appointed on September 14, namely, Tan Sri Dato’ Dr. Wan Mohd. Zahid Mohd. Noordin, Tan Sri Datuk Dr. Ahmad Tajuddin Ali, Raja Datuk Arshad Raja Tun Uda, Datuk Seri Panglima Andrew Sheng Len Tao, Dato’ Mohamed Sulaiman and Dato’ Seri Ahmad Zubir Murshid.
The new Board held their maiden meeting on Saturday, 29th September during which Tun Musa Hitam was elected as chairman and Tan Sri Dato’ Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid as deputy chairman.
Interim directors, Tan Sri Md Nor Yusof, Dato’ Zainal Abidin Putih and Wan Razly Abdullah Wan Ali announced their resignation at the same meeting.
The Board change completes the transition of board control of Synergy Drive ahead of the completion of its acquisition of assets and liabilities of the Golden Hope Plantations Berhad (Golden Hope), Kumpulan Guthrie Berhad (Guthrie) and Sime Darby Berhad (Sime Darby) group of companies.
Pursuant to the acquisition, Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB) will emerge as the single largest shareholder.
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The board composition reflects Synergy Drive’s positioning as a multinational company with a focused set of business interests.
Under their guidance, Synergy Drive will continue to implement growth strategies for its five core businesses of plantations, property, heavy equipment, motor and energy & utilities.
Background Of The Six Newly Appointed Directors:
TUN MUSA HITAM
Tun Musa Hitam is currently the Chairman of UM Land Berhad and Lion Industries Corporation Berhad, both listed on the Main Board of Bursa Malaysia.
Prior to this, Tun Musa held a number of key corporate posts, including Chairman of Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA), Guthrie and founding Chairman of the CIMB Group’s International Advisory Panel.
Tun Musa was previously the Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry, Minister of Primary Industries and Minister of Education, before becoming Malaysia’s fifth Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs from 1981 to 1986.
Between 1990 and 1991, he was Malaysia’s Special Envoy to the United Nations and also led the Malaysian delegation to the UN Commission on Human Rights from 1993 to 1998. He was elected Chairman of the 52nd Session of the Commission in 1995. From 1995 to 2002, he was the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group.
Tun Musa Hitam held various international posts including membership of the Commonwealth Ministers Action Group when he visited Nigeria, Pakistan, Fiji, Gambia and Sierra Leone. He also led the Commonwealth Observer Group to Pakistan’s General Elections in 2002.
In 2005, he was Joint-Chairman of the Eminent Persons Group to chart out the ASEAN/China next 15 years’ program and was appointed as Chairman of the Eminent Persons Group to draft the ASEAN Charter.
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On the national front, Tun Musa Hitam served as the Chairman of the Malaysian National Commission on Human Rights from 2000 to 2002. He is also a member of the United Malays National Organisation and has held various positions within the party.
Tun Musa obtained his Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Malaya and Masters degree in International Relations from the University of Sussex, United Kingdom.
He has had several honours bestowed upon him including Honorary Doctorates from the University of Sussex and Universiti Sabah Malaysia, and fellowships from the Malaysian Institute of Management and the Centre for International Affairs, Harvard University.
TAN SRI DATO’ SERI (DR.) AHMAD SARJI ABDUL HAMID
Tan Sri Dato' Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji is the chairman of PNB and various organizations including Sime Darby, Golden Hope, Petaling Garden Berhad, NCB Holdings Berhad and Syarikat Perumahan Pegawai Kerajaan Sdn. Bhd.
He is also a member of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan Pelaburan Bumiputra.
He was formerly the Chief Secretary to the Government (1990-1996).
He graduated from University of Malaya and The Institute of Social Studies, The Hague. He also holds a Master in Public Administration degree from Harvard University.
DR. ARIFIN M SIREGAR
Dr. Arifin M Siregar, an Indonesian national, has broad leadership experience in economics, finance and diplomacy. He was an international advisor to Goldman Sachs (Asia) LLC for 8½ years until July 2006.
He is currently the Chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia. In addition, he is a Board member of Saudi Economic Development Company, a leader in Islamic equity fund in Saudi Arabia.
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He is currently the Chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia. In addition, he is a Board member of Saudi Economic Development Company, a leader in Islamic equity fund in Saudi Arabia.
From 1993 to 1997, Dr. Siregar was the Indonesian ambassador to the USA. He served as the Minister of Trade of Indonesia from 1988 to 1993. Following his Deputy-Governorship of Bank Indonesia of 12 years, he was the Governor of the Bank Indonesia from 1983 to 1988.
Dr. Siregar holds a PhD in economics from Munster University in Germany. He has extensive experience with international financial institutions. During his tenure as the Governor of the Bank Indonesia, he served as the Governor of the World Bank and the alternate Governor of the Islamic Development Bank.
He also held several posts with the International Monetary Fund (“IMF”), including the IMF’s resident representative in Laos (1969-1971) and alternate Governor from 1973 to 1988. From 1961 to 1965, he worked as an economist with the United Nations in New York and Beirut, Lebanon.
His experience includes participating as Chief and advisor to Indonesian delegations in numerous international and regional conferences, including GATT Uruguay Rounds from 1988 to 1993, Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation from 1988 to 1993 and the Association of South East Asian Nations from 1972 to 1993
Dr. Siregar also served as the Chairman of the Board of the Indonesian-Germany Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Since 1999, he has been the Chairman of the governing board of the Indonesian Council of World Affairs. In addition, he is the co-Chairman of the US-Indonesian Society, a member of the Board of Trustees of the World Wide Fund for Nature Indonesia and was the Chairman of the Indonesian Economic Association from 1979 to 1987.
Dr. Siregar speaks fluent Dutch, English and German, and has a working knowledge of French.
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DATO’ HENRY SACKVILLE BARLOW
Dato’ Henry Barlow sits on the board of Golden Hope, Guthrie Ropel Berhad, HSBC Bank (Malaysia) Berhad, The International and Commonwealth University of Malaysia Berhad and Sutra Foundation.
He has over 35 years of experience in the plantations industry and was formerly the finance director of Barlow Boustead Estates Agency Sdn. Bhd. and Joint Managing Director of Highlands & Lowlands Para Rubber Company Limited.
He obtained his Bachelor degree and Masters of Arts from University of Cambridge, United Kingdom. He is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales.
DATO' DR. ABDUL HALIM BIN HAJI ISMAIL
Dato’ Dr. Abdul Halim is the Chairman of Mentakab Rubber Company (Malaya) Berhad and an Executive Director Dealings of BIMB Securities Sdn. Bhd.
He also sits on the board of Golden Hope, BIMB Unit Trust Management Bhd., SIMS Holding Sdn. Bhd. and Institut Kefahaman Islam Malaysia (IKIM).
Dato’ Dr. Abdul Halim is also a member of the Syariah Advisory Council at the Securities Commission and Bank Negara Malaysia.
He was formerly the Managing Director of Bank Islam Malaysia Berhad and General Manager and Chief Economist of Bank Bumiputera Malaysia Berhad. He holds a Doctor of Philosophy (D.Phil) in Economics from the University of Oxford, England.
DATIN PADUKA ZAITOON DATO’ OTHMAN
Datin Paduka Zaitoon presently sits on numerous boards and councils. She is the President of the Muslim Lawyers Association of Malaysia and Vice President of the Malay Economic Council Malaysia.
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She also serves as Company Secretary and Chairman / Director in various companies including IGD Practice Ltd (2003), Islamic Mint Sdn Bhd (2001 - 2003), Porpoise Corporation Sdn Bhd (1993 - 2003) and Mutiara Ketimuran Sdn Bhd (1991 - 2003).
She is also the Chairperson of Islamic Mint Sdn. Bhd, a company incorporated in Malaysia with the principal activity of promoting and developing the Gold Dinar and Silver Dirham. Datin Paduka Zaitoon was recently appointed as member of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia for a two year term.
-ends-
01-10-2007: Synergy Drive appoints Musa Hitam as chairman, Ahmad Sarji as deputy Email us your feedback at fd@bizedge.com
KUALA LUMPUR: Synergy Drive Bhd has named Tun Musa Hitam as its chairman, and Permodalan Nasional Bhd (PNB) chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid as his deputy among the appointment of six new directors and the resignation of three founder directors appointed by sponsoring investment bank, CIMB Investment Bank Bhd. In a statement, Synergy Drive said the new additions to its board were Musa and Permodalan Nasional Bhd chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid, Dr Arifin Siregar, Datuk Henry Sackville Barlow, Datuk Dr Abdul Halim Ismail and Datin Paduka Zaitoon Othman. It said the new appointees joined the six directors who were appointed on Sept 14 -- Tan Sri Dr Wan Mohd Zahid Mohd Noordin, Tan Sri Dr Ahmad Tajuddin Ali, Raja Datuk Arshad Raja Tun Uda, Datuk Seri Panglima Andrew Sheng Len Tao, Datuk Mohamed Sulaiman and Datuk Seri Ahmad Zubir Murshid. Synergy Drive said the new board held its maiden meeting last on Sept 29, during which Tun Musa Hitam was elected as chairman and Ahmad Sarji as deputy chairman. Founder directors, Tan Sri Md Nor Yusof, Datuk Zainal Abidin Putih and Wan Razly Abdullah Wan Ali announced their resignation at the same meeting. "The new addition in effect completes the transition of board control of Synergy Drive ahead of the completion of its acquisition of assets and liabilities of the Golden Hope Plantations Bhd, Kumpulan Guthrie Bhd and Sime Darby Bhd group of companies," it said. Pursuant to the acquisition, PNB will emerge as the single largest shareholder of Synergy Drive, which said the board composition reflected its positioning as a multinational company with a focused set of business interests. "Under their guidance, Synergy Drive will continue to implement growth strategies for its five core businesses of plantations, property, heavy equipment, motor and energy and utilities," it said. Musa Hitam, the country's fifth deputy prime minister, is currently the chairman of UM Land Bhd and Lion Industries Corporation Bhd. He is the founding chairman of the CIMB Group's international advisory panel. Ariffin, an Indonesian national, was an international adviser to Goldman Sachs ( Asia ) LLC for 8½ years until July 2006. He is currently the chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia. In addition, he is a Board member of Saudi Economic Development Company, a leader in Islamic equity fund in Saudi Arabia.
Barlow sits on the boards of Golden Hope, Guthrie Ropel Bhd, HSBC Bank (Malaysia) Bhd, The International and Commonwealth University of Malaysia Bhd and Sutra Foundation. He has over 35 years of experience in the plantations industry and was formerly the finance director of Barlow Boustead Estates Agency Sdn Bhd and joint managing director of Highlands & Lowlands Para Rubber Company Ltd. Abdul Halim is the chairman of Mentakab Rubber Company (Malaya) Bhd and an executive director Dealings of BIMB Securities Sdn Bhd. The former managing director of Bank Islam Malaysia Bhd also sits on the boards of Golden Hope, BIMB Unit Trust Management Bhd, SIMS Holding Sdn Bhd and Institut Kefahaman Islam Malaysia (IKIM). Zaitoon is the president of the Muslim Lawyers Association of Malaysia and vice president of the Malay Economic Council Malaysia. She is also the chairperson of Islamic Mint Sdn Bhd, a company incorporated in Malaysia with the principal activity of promoting and developing the Gold Dinar and Silver Dirham. She was recently appointed as member of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia for a two-year term.
TUN MUSA HITAM
Musa to head Synergy Drive
Monday, 01 October 2007 07:16am
©The Business Times (Used by permission)by Goh Thean EuSYNERGY Drive Bhd, which will become the world's largest listed plantation firm, has finalised the full line-up of its board of directors.In a statement released yesterday evening, the company announced the appointment of six new directors - including former Deputy Prime Minister Tun Musa Hitam as chairman and Pemodalan Nasional Bhd chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid as deputy chairman.The appointment may not be a surprise to the market, as media reports, citing sources, had tipped Musa as the leading candidate for the post.
"Believe it or not, I least expected it. For the last couple of months, there were rumours that I will become the chairman of Synergy Drive. I dismissed the rumours seriously. Nevertheless, I'm humbled by the appointment, it's such a huge conglomerate."This is the time I have to use my age and experience. It is very challenging, but I am used to challenges in my life. Of course, my work will be made easier because I have with me a group of distinguished personalities on the board, as well as on the management team," Musa told Business Times when contacted yesterday.Besides Musa and Ahmad Sarji, the other four newly-appointed directors were Dr Arifin Siregar, Datuk Henry Sackville Barlow, Datuk Dr Abdul Halim Ismail and Datin Paduka Zaitoon Othman.The board of directors had their maiden meeting last Saturday."I am very happy with the first meeting. There is synergy among the board members, which is very important. Together, we will work together to add value to all the shareholders and stakeholders of the company," Musa added.Musa is also currently the chairman of UM Land Bhd and Lion Industries Corp Bhd. Prior to the appointment, he held a number of key corporate posts, including chairman of Federal Land Development Authority (Felda), Guthrie and is the founding chairman of the CIMB Group's International Advisory Panel.Ahmad Sarji, who is also a member of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan Pelaburan Bumiputra, is the chairman of various organisations including Sime Darby Bhd, Golden Hope Bhd, Petaling Garden Bhd, NCB Holdings Bhd and Syarikat Perumahan Pegawai Kerajaan Sdn Bhd. He was also Chief Secretary to the Government (1990-1996).Dr Arifin, who was the governor of Bank Indonesia from 1983 to 1988, is currently the chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia.Barlow, who has over 35 years of experience in the plantation industry, currently sits on the boards of Golden Hope, Guthrie Ropel Bhd, HSBC Bank ( Malaysia ) Bhd, The International and Commonwealth University of Malaysia Bhd and Sutra Foundation.Dr Abdul Halim, former managing director of Bank Islam Malaysia Bhd, is the chairman of Mentakab Rubber Co (Malaya) Bhd. He also sits on the board of Golden Hope, BIMB Unit Trust Management Bhd, SIMS Holding Sdn Bhd. and Institut Kefahaman Islam Malaysia (Ikim).Zaitoon sits on numerous boards and councils, and is the president of the Muslim Lawyers Association of Malaysia and vice president of the Malay Economic Council Malaysia.They will join the six directors who were appointed on September 14 - Tan Sri Dr Wan Mohd Zahid Mohd Noordin, Tan Sri Dr Ahmad Tajuddin Ali, Raja Datuk Arshad Raja Tun Uda, Datuk Seri Panglima Andrew Sheng Len Tao, Datuk Mohamed Sulaiman and Datuk Seri Ahmad Zubir Murshid.The company also announced the resignation of three directors, Tan Sri Md Nor Yusof, Datuk Zainal Abidin Putih and Wan Razly Abdullah Wan Ali.Synergy Drive, expected to be listed on the local stock exchange in November, is poised to be the most liquid stock with the largest market capitalisation on Bursa Malaysia, given its status as the world's largest oil palm plantation group and potentially Malaysia's largest property developer.
SIME DARBY
NEWS RELEASE SEPTEMBER 30, 2007
SYNERGY DRIVE COMPLETES BOARD
Tun Musa Hitam Is Chairman
KUALA LUMPUR, September 30 – Synergy Drive Bhd (Synergy Drive) has announced the appointment of six new directors and the resignation of three interim directors appointed by sponsoring investment bank, CIMB Investment Bank Berhad.
The new additions to the Board of Directors (Board) are Tun Musa Hitam, Tan Sri Dato’ Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid, Dr. Arifin M Siregar, Dato’ Henry Sackville Barlow, Dato' Dr. Abdul Halim Haji Ismail and Datin Paduka Zaitoon Dato’ Othman.
The new appointees join the six directors who were appointed on September 14, namely, Tan Sri Dato’ Dr. Wan Mohd. Zahid Mohd. Noordin, Tan Sri Datuk Dr. Ahmad Tajuddin Ali, Raja Datuk Arshad Raja Tun Uda, Datuk Seri Panglima Andrew Sheng Len Tao, Dato’ Mohamed Sulaiman and Dato’ Seri Ahmad Zubir Murshid.
The new Board held their maiden meeting on Saturday, 29th September during which Tun Musa Hitam was elected as chairman and Tan Sri Dato’ Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid as deputy chairman.
Interim directors, Tan Sri Md Nor Yusof, Dato’ Zainal Abidin Putih and Wan Razly Abdullah Wan Ali announced their resignation at the same meeting.
The Board change completes the transition of board control of Synergy Drive ahead of the completion of its acquisition of assets and liabilities of the Golden Hope Plantations Berhad (Golden Hope), Kumpulan Guthrie Berhad (Guthrie) and Sime Darby Berhad (Sime Darby) group of companies.
Pursuant to the acquisition, Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB) will emerge as the single largest shareholder.
More…
-2-
The board composition reflects Synergy Drive’s positioning as a multinational company with a focused set of business interests.
Under their guidance, Synergy Drive will continue to implement growth strategies for its five core businesses of plantations, property, heavy equipment, motor and energy & utilities.
Background Of The Six Newly Appointed Directors:
TUN MUSA HITAM
Tun Musa Hitam is currently the Chairman of UM Land Berhad and Lion Industries Corporation Berhad, both listed on the Main Board of Bursa Malaysia.
Prior to this, Tun Musa held a number of key corporate posts, including Chairman of Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA), Guthrie and founding Chairman of the CIMB Group’s International Advisory Panel.
Tun Musa was previously the Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry, Minister of Primary Industries and Minister of Education, before becoming Malaysia’s fifth Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs from 1981 to 1986.
Between 1990 and 1991, he was Malaysia’s Special Envoy to the United Nations and also led the Malaysian delegation to the UN Commission on Human Rights from 1993 to 1998. He was elected Chairman of the 52nd Session of the Commission in 1995. From 1995 to 2002, he was the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group.
Tun Musa Hitam held various international posts including membership of the Commonwealth Ministers Action Group when he visited Nigeria, Pakistan, Fiji, Gambia and Sierra Leone. He also led the Commonwealth Observer Group to Pakistan’s General Elections in 2002.
In 2005, he was Joint-Chairman of the Eminent Persons Group to chart out the ASEAN/China next 15 years’ program and was appointed as Chairman of the Eminent Persons Group to draft the ASEAN Charter.
More…
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On the national front, Tun Musa Hitam served as the Chairman of the Malaysian National Commission on Human Rights from 2000 to 2002. He is also a member of the United Malays National Organisation and has held various positions within the party.
Tun Musa obtained his Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Malaya and Masters degree in International Relations from the University of Sussex, United Kingdom.
He has had several honours bestowed upon him including Honorary Doctorates from the University of Sussex and Universiti Sabah Malaysia, and fellowships from the Malaysian Institute of Management and the Centre for International Affairs, Harvard University.
TAN SRI DATO’ SERI (DR.) AHMAD SARJI ABDUL HAMID
Tan Sri Dato' Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji is the chairman of PNB and various organizations including Sime Darby, Golden Hope, Petaling Garden Berhad, NCB Holdings Berhad and Syarikat Perumahan Pegawai Kerajaan Sdn. Bhd.
He is also a member of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan Pelaburan Bumiputra.
He was formerly the Chief Secretary to the Government (1990-1996).
He graduated from University of Malaya and The Institute of Social Studies, The Hague. He also holds a Master in Public Administration degree from Harvard University.
DR. ARIFIN M SIREGAR
Dr. Arifin M Siregar, an Indonesian national, has broad leadership experience in economics, finance and diplomacy. He was an international advisor to Goldman Sachs (Asia) LLC for 8½ years until July 2006.
He is currently the Chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia. In addition, he is a Board member of Saudi Economic Development Company, a leader in Islamic equity fund in Saudi Arabia.
More…
-4-
He is currently the Chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia. In addition, he is a Board member of Saudi Economic Development Company, a leader in Islamic equity fund in Saudi Arabia.
From 1993 to 1997, Dr. Siregar was the Indonesian ambassador to the USA. He served as the Minister of Trade of Indonesia from 1988 to 1993. Following his Deputy-Governorship of Bank Indonesia of 12 years, he was the Governor of the Bank Indonesia from 1983 to 1988.
Dr. Siregar holds a PhD in economics from Munster University in Germany. He has extensive experience with international financial institutions. During his tenure as the Governor of the Bank Indonesia, he served as the Governor of the World Bank and the alternate Governor of the Islamic Development Bank.
He also held several posts with the International Monetary Fund (“IMF”), including the IMF’s resident representative in Laos (1969-1971) and alternate Governor from 1973 to 1988. From 1961 to 1965, he worked as an economist with the United Nations in New York and Beirut, Lebanon.
His experience includes participating as Chief and advisor to Indonesian delegations in numerous international and regional conferences, including GATT Uruguay Rounds from 1988 to 1993, Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation from 1988 to 1993 and the Association of South East Asian Nations from 1972 to 1993
Dr. Siregar also served as the Chairman of the Board of the Indonesian-Germany Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Since 1999, he has been the Chairman of the governing board of the Indonesian Council of World Affairs. In addition, he is the co-Chairman of the US-Indonesian Society, a member of the Board of Trustees of the World Wide Fund for Nature Indonesia and was the Chairman of the Indonesian Economic Association from 1979 to 1987.
Dr. Siregar speaks fluent Dutch, English and German, and has a working knowledge of French.
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DATO’ HENRY SACKVILLE BARLOW
Dato’ Henry Barlow sits on the board of Golden Hope, Guthrie Ropel Berhad, HSBC Bank (Malaysia) Berhad, The International and Commonwealth University of Malaysia Berhad and Sutra Foundation.
He has over 35 years of experience in the plantations industry and was formerly the finance director of Barlow Boustead Estates Agency Sdn. Bhd. and Joint Managing Director of Highlands & Lowlands Para Rubber Company Limited.
He obtained his Bachelor degree and Masters of Arts from University of Cambridge, United Kingdom. He is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales.
DATO' DR. ABDUL HALIM BIN HAJI ISMAIL
Dato’ Dr. Abdul Halim is the Chairman of Mentakab Rubber Company (Malaya) Berhad and an Executive Director Dealings of BIMB Securities Sdn. Bhd.
He also sits on the board of Golden Hope, BIMB Unit Trust Management Bhd., SIMS Holding Sdn. Bhd. and Institut Kefahaman Islam Malaysia (IKIM).
Dato’ Dr. Abdul Halim is also a member of the Syariah Advisory Council at the Securities Commission and Bank Negara Malaysia.
He was formerly the Managing Director of Bank Islam Malaysia Berhad and General Manager and Chief Economist of Bank Bumiputera Malaysia Berhad. He holds a Doctor of Philosophy (D.Phil) in Economics from the University of Oxford, England.
DATIN PADUKA ZAITOON DATO’ OTHMAN
Datin Paduka Zaitoon presently sits on numerous boards and councils. She is the President of the Muslim Lawyers Association of Malaysia and Vice President of the Malay Economic Council Malaysia.
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She also serves as Company Secretary and Chairman / Director in various companies including IGD Practice Ltd (2003), Islamic Mint Sdn Bhd (2001 - 2003), Porpoise Corporation Sdn Bhd (1993 - 2003) and Mutiara Ketimuran Sdn Bhd (1991 - 2003).
She is also the Chairperson of Islamic Mint Sdn. Bhd, a company incorporated in Malaysia with the principal activity of promoting and developing the Gold Dinar and Silver Dirham. Datin Paduka Zaitoon was recently appointed as member of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia for a two year term.
-ends-
01-10-2007: Synergy Drive appoints Musa Hitam as chairman, Ahmad Sarji as deputy Email us your feedback at fd@bizedge.com
KUALA LUMPUR: Synergy Drive Bhd has named Tun Musa Hitam as its chairman, and Permodalan Nasional Bhd (PNB) chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid as his deputy among the appointment of six new directors and the resignation of three founder directors appointed by sponsoring investment bank, CIMB Investment Bank Bhd. In a statement, Synergy Drive said the new additions to its board were Musa and Permodalan Nasional Bhd chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid, Dr Arifin Siregar, Datuk Henry Sackville Barlow, Datuk Dr Abdul Halim Ismail and Datin Paduka Zaitoon Othman. It said the new appointees joined the six directors who were appointed on Sept 14 -- Tan Sri Dr Wan Mohd Zahid Mohd Noordin, Tan Sri Dr Ahmad Tajuddin Ali, Raja Datuk Arshad Raja Tun Uda, Datuk Seri Panglima Andrew Sheng Len Tao, Datuk Mohamed Sulaiman and Datuk Seri Ahmad Zubir Murshid. Synergy Drive said the new board held its maiden meeting last on Sept 29, during which Tun Musa Hitam was elected as chairman and Ahmad Sarji as deputy chairman. Founder directors, Tan Sri Md Nor Yusof, Datuk Zainal Abidin Putih and Wan Razly Abdullah Wan Ali announced their resignation at the same meeting. "The new addition in effect completes the transition of board control of Synergy Drive ahead of the completion of its acquisition of assets and liabilities of the Golden Hope Plantations Bhd, Kumpulan Guthrie Bhd and Sime Darby Bhd group of companies," it said. Pursuant to the acquisition, PNB will emerge as the single largest shareholder of Synergy Drive, which said the board composition reflected its positioning as a multinational company with a focused set of business interests. "Under their guidance, Synergy Drive will continue to implement growth strategies for its five core businesses of plantations, property, heavy equipment, motor and energy and utilities," it said. Musa Hitam, the country's fifth deputy prime minister, is currently the chairman of UM Land Bhd and Lion Industries Corporation Bhd. He is the founding chairman of the CIMB Group's international advisory panel. Ariffin, an Indonesian national, was an international adviser to Goldman Sachs ( Asia ) LLC for 8½ years until July 2006. He is currently the chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia. In addition, he is a Board member of Saudi Economic Development Company, a leader in Islamic equity fund in Saudi Arabia.
Barlow sits on the boards of Golden Hope, Guthrie Ropel Bhd, HSBC Bank (Malaysia) Bhd, The International and Commonwealth University of Malaysia Bhd and Sutra Foundation. He has over 35 years of experience in the plantations industry and was formerly the finance director of Barlow Boustead Estates Agency Sdn Bhd and joint managing director of Highlands & Lowlands Para Rubber Company Ltd. Abdul Halim is the chairman of Mentakab Rubber Company (Malaya) Bhd and an executive director Dealings of BIMB Securities Sdn Bhd. The former managing director of Bank Islam Malaysia Bhd also sits on the boards of Golden Hope, BIMB Unit Trust Management Bhd, SIMS Holding Sdn Bhd and Institut Kefahaman Islam Malaysia (IKIM). Zaitoon is the president of the Muslim Lawyers Association of Malaysia and vice president of the Malay Economic Council Malaysia. She is also the chairperson of Islamic Mint Sdn Bhd, a company incorporated in Malaysia with the principal activity of promoting and developing the Gold Dinar and Silver Dirham. She was recently appointed as member of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia for a two-year term.
TUN MUSA HITAM
Musa to head Synergy Drive
Monday, 01 October 2007 07:16am
©The Business Times (Used by permission)by Goh Thean EuSYNERGY Drive Bhd, which will become the world's largest listed plantation firm, has finalised the full line-up of its board of directors.In a statement released yesterday evening, the company announced the appointment of six new directors - including former Deputy Prime Minister Tun Musa Hitam as chairman and Pemodalan Nasional Bhd chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid as deputy chairman.The appointment may not be a surprise to the market, as media reports, citing sources, had tipped Musa as the leading candidate for the post.
"Believe it or not, I least expected it. For the last couple of months, there were rumours that I will become the chairman of Synergy Drive. I dismissed the rumours seriously. Nevertheless, I'm humbled by the appointment, it's such a huge conglomerate."This is the time I have to use my age and experience. It is very challenging, but I am used to challenges in my life. Of course, my work will be made easier because I have with me a group of distinguished personalities on the board, as well as on the management team," Musa told Business Times when contacted yesterday.Besides Musa and Ahmad Sarji, the other four newly-appointed directors were Dr Arifin Siregar, Datuk Henry Sackville Barlow, Datuk Dr Abdul Halim Ismail and Datin Paduka Zaitoon Othman.The board of directors had their maiden meeting last Saturday."I am very happy with the first meeting. There is synergy among the board members, which is very important. Together, we will work together to add value to all the shareholders and stakeholders of the company," Musa added.Musa is also currently the chairman of UM Land Bhd and Lion Industries Corp Bhd. Prior to the appointment, he held a number of key corporate posts, including chairman of Federal Land Development Authority (Felda), Guthrie and is the founding chairman of the CIMB Group's International Advisory Panel.Ahmad Sarji, who is also a member of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan Pelaburan Bumiputra, is the chairman of various organisations including Sime Darby Bhd, Golden Hope Bhd, Petaling Garden Bhd, NCB Holdings Bhd and Syarikat Perumahan Pegawai Kerajaan Sdn Bhd. He was also Chief Secretary to the Government (1990-1996).Dr Arifin, who was the governor of Bank Indonesia from 1983 to 1988, is currently the chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Medco Energy Internasional Tbk, the largest private national oil company in Indonesia.Barlow, who has over 35 years of experience in the plantation industry, currently sits on the boards of Golden Hope, Guthrie Ropel Bhd, HSBC Bank ( Malaysia ) Bhd, The International and Commonwealth University of Malaysia Bhd and Sutra Foundation.Dr Abdul Halim, former managing director of Bank Islam Malaysia Bhd, is the chairman of Mentakab Rubber Co (Malaya) Bhd. He also sits on the board of Golden Hope, BIMB Unit Trust Management Bhd, SIMS Holding Sdn Bhd. and Institut Kefahaman Islam Malaysia (Ikim).Zaitoon sits on numerous boards and councils, and is the president of the Muslim Lawyers Association of Malaysia and vice president of the Malay Economic Council Malaysia.They will join the six directors who were appointed on September 14 - Tan Sri Dr Wan Mohd Zahid Mohd Noordin, Tan Sri Dr Ahmad Tajuddin Ali, Raja Datuk Arshad Raja Tun Uda, Datuk Seri Panglima Andrew Sheng Len Tao, Datuk Mohamed Sulaiman and Datuk Seri Ahmad Zubir Murshid.The company also announced the resignation of three directors, Tan Sri Md Nor Yusof, Datuk Zainal Abidin Putih and Wan Razly Abdullah Wan Ali.Synergy Drive, expected to be listed on the local stock exchange in November, is poised to be the most liquid stock with the largest market capitalisation on Bursa Malaysia, given its status as the world's largest oil palm plantation group and potentially Malaysia's largest property developer.
Monday, February 25, 2008
JADIKAN JPN KAYU UKUR DALAM SISTEM PENYAMPAIAN
Oleh Nurul Halawati Azhari 26 Februari, 2008 09:48 AM
KUALA LUMPUR, 26 Februari 2008 (Bernama)-- Kejayaan Jabatan Pendaftaran Negara (JPN) mempercepatkan tempoh memperbaharui Mykad daripada sebulan kepada dua jam sejak pertengahan tahun lepas mendapat reaksi yang amat positif daripada orang ramai.Ketua Pengarahnya, Datuk Mohd Abdul Halim Muhammad berkata, penggunaan mesin berteknologi tinggi bagi pengeluaran Mykad dikenalpasti sebagai antara penyumbang mempercepatkan proses memperbaharui Mykad dan usaha penambahbaikan sistem penyampaian JPN.Sungguhpun dibuka secara percubaan di dua cawangannya iaitu di Melaka dan Putrajaya, ia adalah perubahan yang cuba diperkenalkan oleh jabatan yang menguruskan maklumat asas setiap penduduk di negara ini.KAD PINTAR PELBAGAI GUNA Sejak diperkenalkan pada 2003, aplikasi MyKad sebagai kad pintar pelbagai guna berasaskan teknologi cip dan biometrik serta mempunyai ciri keselamatan yang tinggi itu, ia dianggap satu pencapaian yang amat membanggakan dan pertama seumpamanya di dunia.Sehingga kini, lebih 20 juta Mykad telah dikeluarkan, yang mengandungi maklumat pemegang dan aplikasi awam yang diperlukan untuk berurusan dengan agensi kerajaan.Di samping itu, ia diperluaskan meliputi aplikasi lesen memandu, Mesin Juruwang Automatik (ATM), MEPS Cash serta Kad Sentuh dan Lalu (Touch''n''Go)."Ada pihak yang masih tertanya-tanya kenapa keseluruhan aplikasi tersebut tidak dapat digunakan."Ingin saya jelaskan di sini, JPN hanyalah bertanggungjawab ke atas penyediaan aplikasi berkenaan menerusi Mykad. Terserah kepada orang ramai untuk memohon penggunaannya daripada pihak-pihak yang terbabit dengan aplikasi berkenaan," kata beliau.Menurut beliau, aplikasi paling berjaya ialah Kad Sentuh dan Lalu dengan jumlah 17,000 pengguna.Sejajar dengan kepesatan penggunaan teknologi maklumat dan komunikasi dalam melancarkan urusan pentadbiran, JPN mengambil satu lagi langkah pro aktif iaitu menjalin kerjasama dengan Perbadanan Pembangunan Multimedia (MDeC) menerusi Aplikasi Flagship Kad Pintar kepada 12 komuniti membabitkan pelbagai agensi kerajaan di Lembah Klang."JPN juga baru menjalin kerjasama dengan Jabatan Pengangkutan Jalan (JPJ) dan Pos Malaysia Berhad yang membolehkan lesen kereta diperbaharui di 210 cawangan JPN, 68 buah cawangan JPJ dan 495 pejabat pos. Ini juga satu projek perintis yang baru dimulakan di 10 buah cawangan pejabat pos," jelas beliau.TERUS PERTINGKAT SISTEM PENYAMPAIAN Dengan 2,700 kakitangan, selain Mykad, JPN terus berusaha meningkatkan kualiti serta kecekapan dalam mengumpul dan menyelenggara rekod-rekod kelahiran, kematian, anak angkat, perkahwinan dan perceraian serta warganegara bagi penduduk Malaysia yang mencecah 26 juta.Sistem penyampaiannya terus diperbaiki dari semasa ke semasa terutama di bahagian perkhidmatan kaunter berikutan ia dilihat sebagai aspek penting dalam pembangunan sumber manusia melibatkan pelanggan.Setiap petugas di kaunter, melayan pelanggannya dengan senyuman dan ucapan selamat. Manakala perkataan "terima kasih kerana menunggu" setelah selesai urusan meninggalkan kesan positif di hati pelanggan akan pentingnya nilai kesopanan dan budi bahasa.Selain kemesraan di kaunter yang dianggap bisnes utama, JPN telah pun membuktikan pencapaian serta kecekapannya sehingga mendapat Anugerah Kualiti Perdana Menteri 2007."Pada saya, sokongan dan kepercayaan rakyat Malaysia terhadap kualiti sistem penyampaian perkhidmatan awam adalah antara sebab JPN terpilih," kata beliau merujuk kepada Anugerah Kualiti Ketua Setiausaha Negara (AKKSN) yang diterima JPN November lepas selain Persijilan MSISO 9001:2000 berstatus UKAS (United Kingdom Accreditation Service) yang diperolehi pada September 2007.UBAH PERSEPSI Kebanyakan orang mendapatkan perkhidmatan kaunter kerajaan sekurang-kurangnya dalam urusan pendaftaran kelahiran dan kematian, perkahwinan, urusan perlesenan, kastam, imigresen, tanah dan harta, yang bermakna ia tidak digunakan setiap hari.Sebagai anggota masyarakat yang jarang menggunakan perkhidmatan sektor awam, persepsi negatif terhadap sektor ini, terutama di bahagian kaunter adakalanya mengurangkan keyakinan mereka terhadap perkhidmatan yang ditawarkan.Sikap tidak peduli petugas, kurang pengetahuan dan kemahiran, tidak faham tentang sistem operasi perkhidmatan, pertambahan harapan atau jangkaan pelanggan adalah antara alasan yang menyumbang kepada perkhidmatan yang lemah.Sama ada betul atau tidak rungutan itu, yang pasti ia lahir daripada harapan rakyat yang semakin tinggi apatah lagi dengan kemajuan ICT negara.Bagi Amin Mohamad, 31, pereka grafik di syarikat penerbitan swasta, beliau menganggap JPN antara jabatan yang cekap menguruskan keperluan pelanggan."Dua tahun lepas, ketika seluruh warganegara Malaysia digesa supaya menukar kad pengenalan kepada Mykad, kami bernasib baik apabila Perkhidmatan Bas Bergerak JPM cawangan Shah Alam sanggup datang ke tempat kerja di Seksyen 15, Shah Alam untuk urusan itu," katanya.Sebulan kemudian, Amin dan rakan-rakannya dapat memiliki Mykad.Manakala Sujartha Pavithran, 45, melahirkan rasa puas hatinya apabila urusan mendapatkan Mykad barunya berjalan lancar setelah kehilangannya dalam kejadian ragut Disember lepas.Pada mulanya beliau agak bimbang akan dikenakan denda, namun berasa lega setelah mendapat penjelasan petugas JPN cawangan Maju Junction."Dengan adanya laporan polis, urusan saya diselesaikan dengan mudah", katanya.Mengenai aduan, Abdul Halim berkata, JPN, yang mengendalikan 100,000 urusan permohonan setiap hari, hanya menerima antara 10 dan 15 aduan setiap bulan."Unit khidmat pelanggan akan memastikan setiap aduan dapat diselesaikan dalam tempoh 24 jam dan ini mengubah persepsi masyarakat terhadap perkhidmatan awam," tambah beliau.FORMULA KEJAYAAN Setelah berjaya mencapai matlamat jangka pendek iaitu menjadi jabatan terbaik dalam negara dengan memperoleh AKKSN 2007, JPN kini meneruskan matlamat jangka panjangnya menjadi perkhidmatan kaunter terbaik dunia."Kami yakin akan berjaya dengan adanya penglibatan seluruh kakitangan JPN. Pertama, matlamat pengurusan yang jelas. Kedua, Bahagian Sumber Manusia melaksanakan matlamat tersebut ke semua peringkat."Dan setiap petugas pula melaksanakannya dengan menumpukan kepada kualiti hasil kerja yang dibantu oleh prosedur ICT yang cemerlang," jelas beliau.Beliau turut berjumpa dan menyampaikan amanahnya dengan semua petugas baru serta melibatkan semua pihak dalam aktiviti sosial di jabatan bagi menjalinkan hubungan kekeluargan, menanam rasa kekitaan serta semangat kerjasama di antara kakitangan."Kita juga memasukkan elemen pengurusan swasta agar mereka menjadi kakitangan awam yang lebih baik berbanding sektor swasta," jelas Abdul Halim.Menurut beliau, paling berkesan ialah kursus modal insan, yang modulnya disediakan beliau sendiri, yang mendidik petugas agar tidak hanya takutkan ketua, tetapi lebih penting ialah takutkan Tuhan sewaktu ketiadaan ketua.Cara tersebut, menurut Abdul Halim lebih berkesan bagi melahirkan rasa tanggungjawab dan keihklasan JPN sewaktu bertugas.Dengan harapan kejayaan yang dicapai terutamanya dalam sistem penyampaian JPN terus meningkat, cabaran beliau kini ialah memastikan pencapaian serta motivasi petugasnya akan terus kekal ke arah menjadikan JPN sebagai Kaunter Perkhidmatan Terbaik Dunia.-- BERNAMA
KUALA LUMPUR, 26 Februari 2008 (Bernama)-- Kejayaan Jabatan Pendaftaran Negara (JPN) mempercepatkan tempoh memperbaharui Mykad daripada sebulan kepada dua jam sejak pertengahan tahun lepas mendapat reaksi yang amat positif daripada orang ramai.Ketua Pengarahnya, Datuk Mohd Abdul Halim Muhammad berkata, penggunaan mesin berteknologi tinggi bagi pengeluaran Mykad dikenalpasti sebagai antara penyumbang mempercepatkan proses memperbaharui Mykad dan usaha penambahbaikan sistem penyampaian JPN.Sungguhpun dibuka secara percubaan di dua cawangannya iaitu di Melaka dan Putrajaya, ia adalah perubahan yang cuba diperkenalkan oleh jabatan yang menguruskan maklumat asas setiap penduduk di negara ini.KAD PINTAR PELBAGAI GUNA Sejak diperkenalkan pada 2003, aplikasi MyKad sebagai kad pintar pelbagai guna berasaskan teknologi cip dan biometrik serta mempunyai ciri keselamatan yang tinggi itu, ia dianggap satu pencapaian yang amat membanggakan dan pertama seumpamanya di dunia.Sehingga kini, lebih 20 juta Mykad telah dikeluarkan, yang mengandungi maklumat pemegang dan aplikasi awam yang diperlukan untuk berurusan dengan agensi kerajaan.Di samping itu, ia diperluaskan meliputi aplikasi lesen memandu, Mesin Juruwang Automatik (ATM), MEPS Cash serta Kad Sentuh dan Lalu (Touch''n''Go)."Ada pihak yang masih tertanya-tanya kenapa keseluruhan aplikasi tersebut tidak dapat digunakan."Ingin saya jelaskan di sini, JPN hanyalah bertanggungjawab ke atas penyediaan aplikasi berkenaan menerusi Mykad. Terserah kepada orang ramai untuk memohon penggunaannya daripada pihak-pihak yang terbabit dengan aplikasi berkenaan," kata beliau.Menurut beliau, aplikasi paling berjaya ialah Kad Sentuh dan Lalu dengan jumlah 17,000 pengguna.Sejajar dengan kepesatan penggunaan teknologi maklumat dan komunikasi dalam melancarkan urusan pentadbiran, JPN mengambil satu lagi langkah pro aktif iaitu menjalin kerjasama dengan Perbadanan Pembangunan Multimedia (MDeC) menerusi Aplikasi Flagship Kad Pintar kepada 12 komuniti membabitkan pelbagai agensi kerajaan di Lembah Klang."JPN juga baru menjalin kerjasama dengan Jabatan Pengangkutan Jalan (JPJ) dan Pos Malaysia Berhad yang membolehkan lesen kereta diperbaharui di 210 cawangan JPN, 68 buah cawangan JPJ dan 495 pejabat pos. Ini juga satu projek perintis yang baru dimulakan di 10 buah cawangan pejabat pos," jelas beliau.TERUS PERTINGKAT SISTEM PENYAMPAIAN Dengan 2,700 kakitangan, selain Mykad, JPN terus berusaha meningkatkan kualiti serta kecekapan dalam mengumpul dan menyelenggara rekod-rekod kelahiran, kematian, anak angkat, perkahwinan dan perceraian serta warganegara bagi penduduk Malaysia yang mencecah 26 juta.Sistem penyampaiannya terus diperbaiki dari semasa ke semasa terutama di bahagian perkhidmatan kaunter berikutan ia dilihat sebagai aspek penting dalam pembangunan sumber manusia melibatkan pelanggan.Setiap petugas di kaunter, melayan pelanggannya dengan senyuman dan ucapan selamat. Manakala perkataan "terima kasih kerana menunggu" setelah selesai urusan meninggalkan kesan positif di hati pelanggan akan pentingnya nilai kesopanan dan budi bahasa.Selain kemesraan di kaunter yang dianggap bisnes utama, JPN telah pun membuktikan pencapaian serta kecekapannya sehingga mendapat Anugerah Kualiti Perdana Menteri 2007."Pada saya, sokongan dan kepercayaan rakyat Malaysia terhadap kualiti sistem penyampaian perkhidmatan awam adalah antara sebab JPN terpilih," kata beliau merujuk kepada Anugerah Kualiti Ketua Setiausaha Negara (AKKSN) yang diterima JPN November lepas selain Persijilan MSISO 9001:2000 berstatus UKAS (United Kingdom Accreditation Service) yang diperolehi pada September 2007.UBAH PERSEPSI Kebanyakan orang mendapatkan perkhidmatan kaunter kerajaan sekurang-kurangnya dalam urusan pendaftaran kelahiran dan kematian, perkahwinan, urusan perlesenan, kastam, imigresen, tanah dan harta, yang bermakna ia tidak digunakan setiap hari.Sebagai anggota masyarakat yang jarang menggunakan perkhidmatan sektor awam, persepsi negatif terhadap sektor ini, terutama di bahagian kaunter adakalanya mengurangkan keyakinan mereka terhadap perkhidmatan yang ditawarkan.Sikap tidak peduli petugas, kurang pengetahuan dan kemahiran, tidak faham tentang sistem operasi perkhidmatan, pertambahan harapan atau jangkaan pelanggan adalah antara alasan yang menyumbang kepada perkhidmatan yang lemah.Sama ada betul atau tidak rungutan itu, yang pasti ia lahir daripada harapan rakyat yang semakin tinggi apatah lagi dengan kemajuan ICT negara.Bagi Amin Mohamad, 31, pereka grafik di syarikat penerbitan swasta, beliau menganggap JPN antara jabatan yang cekap menguruskan keperluan pelanggan."Dua tahun lepas, ketika seluruh warganegara Malaysia digesa supaya menukar kad pengenalan kepada Mykad, kami bernasib baik apabila Perkhidmatan Bas Bergerak JPM cawangan Shah Alam sanggup datang ke tempat kerja di Seksyen 15, Shah Alam untuk urusan itu," katanya.Sebulan kemudian, Amin dan rakan-rakannya dapat memiliki Mykad.Manakala Sujartha Pavithran, 45, melahirkan rasa puas hatinya apabila urusan mendapatkan Mykad barunya berjalan lancar setelah kehilangannya dalam kejadian ragut Disember lepas.Pada mulanya beliau agak bimbang akan dikenakan denda, namun berasa lega setelah mendapat penjelasan petugas JPN cawangan Maju Junction."Dengan adanya laporan polis, urusan saya diselesaikan dengan mudah", katanya.Mengenai aduan, Abdul Halim berkata, JPN, yang mengendalikan 100,000 urusan permohonan setiap hari, hanya menerima antara 10 dan 15 aduan setiap bulan."Unit khidmat pelanggan akan memastikan setiap aduan dapat diselesaikan dalam tempoh 24 jam dan ini mengubah persepsi masyarakat terhadap perkhidmatan awam," tambah beliau.FORMULA KEJAYAAN Setelah berjaya mencapai matlamat jangka pendek iaitu menjadi jabatan terbaik dalam negara dengan memperoleh AKKSN 2007, JPN kini meneruskan matlamat jangka panjangnya menjadi perkhidmatan kaunter terbaik dunia."Kami yakin akan berjaya dengan adanya penglibatan seluruh kakitangan JPN. Pertama, matlamat pengurusan yang jelas. Kedua, Bahagian Sumber Manusia melaksanakan matlamat tersebut ke semua peringkat."Dan setiap petugas pula melaksanakannya dengan menumpukan kepada kualiti hasil kerja yang dibantu oleh prosedur ICT yang cemerlang," jelas beliau.Beliau turut berjumpa dan menyampaikan amanahnya dengan semua petugas baru serta melibatkan semua pihak dalam aktiviti sosial di jabatan bagi menjalinkan hubungan kekeluargan, menanam rasa kekitaan serta semangat kerjasama di antara kakitangan."Kita juga memasukkan elemen pengurusan swasta agar mereka menjadi kakitangan awam yang lebih baik berbanding sektor swasta," jelas Abdul Halim.Menurut beliau, paling berkesan ialah kursus modal insan, yang modulnya disediakan beliau sendiri, yang mendidik petugas agar tidak hanya takutkan ketua, tetapi lebih penting ialah takutkan Tuhan sewaktu ketiadaan ketua.Cara tersebut, menurut Abdul Halim lebih berkesan bagi melahirkan rasa tanggungjawab dan keihklasan JPN sewaktu bertugas.Dengan harapan kejayaan yang dicapai terutamanya dalam sistem penyampaian JPN terus meningkat, cabaran beliau kini ialah memastikan pencapaian serta motivasi petugasnya akan terus kekal ke arah menjadikan JPN sebagai Kaunter Perkhidmatan Terbaik Dunia.-- BERNAMA
TAN SRI DATUK SERI DR AISHAH GHANI
TAN SRI DATUK SERI DR AISHAH GHANI
Tan Sri Datin Paduka Seri Dr. Aishah Ghani (lahir 15 Disember 1923) ialah Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat Malaysia antara 1973 dan 1984, serta Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia antara tahun 1972 sehingga 1984.
Pendidikan
Dilahirkan di Kampung Sungai Serai, Hulu Langat, Selangor, Aishah memperoleh pendidikan awalnya di Sekolah Melayu Bukit Raya, Cheras, Selangor dan menyertai sekolah menengah di Diniyah Puteri, Padang Panjang, Sumatera Barat, Indonesia, dari tahun 1936 hingga 1939. Pada tahun 1940 hingga 1943, beliau menyertai Maktab Perguruan Tinggi Islam di Padang, Sumatera Barat, dan kemudiannya pergi ke London pada April 1955 dan memperoleh ijazah kewartawanannya dari Politeknik Regent Street di London pada Disember 1958.
Kerjaya politik
Penglibatan Aishah dalam bidang politik bermula sebaik sahaja Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) ditubuhkan pada tahun 1945, dan beliau menjadi Ahli Jawatankuasa dan sekaligus mengetuai sayap wanita yang dipanggil Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS). Ketika itu, beliau juga bertugas sebagai wartawan Pelita Malaya, lidah rasmi PKMM.
Aishah keluar daripada AWAS pada tahun 1946 (AWAS kemudian diharamkan oleh kerajaan pada tahun 1948) dan menyertai perhimpunan yang menuntut kemerdekaan di Kelab Sultan Sulaiman, Kuala Lumpur, pada Mac tahun yang sama. Beliau menyertai UMNO Kampung Baru pada tahun 1949 dan dilantik sebagai Setiausaha.
Sekembalinya Aishah dari kursusnya di London pada tahun 1959, beliau bertugas sekali lagi sebagai wartawan, kali ini untuk Berita Harian, serta sebagai penyunting di Kumpulan Akhbar New Straits Times. Beliau meletakkan kedua-dua jawatannya pada tahun 1963 apabila beliau menjadi Ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO serta Naib Ketua Wanita UMNO, dan dilantik sebagai aenator wanita yang pertama di Malaysia serta wakil wanita Malaysia yang pertama ke Perhimpunan Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB). Dari tahun 1967 hingga 1972, Aishah menjadi wakil Malaysia ke Persidangan Suruhanjaya Taraf Wanita PBB. Beliau juga menyandang jawatan Setiausaha Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Negeri Selangor antara tahun 1960 hingga 1972.
Pada tahun 1972, Aishah dipilih menjadi Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia, satu pertubuhan yang beliau mengetuai selama 12 tahun sehingga 1984. Pada 1 Mac 1973, beliau dilantik sebagai Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat selepas persaraan Tun Tan Sri Dr. Fatimah dan memegang jawatan ini selama 11 tahun sebelum menamatkan khidmatnya pada tahun 1984. Semasa menyandang jawatan Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat, beliau melancarkan Yayasan Kebajikan Negara, sebuah pertubuhan yang masih berfungsi pada hari ini. Aishah ialah Pengerusi Tetap Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia sejak tahun 1986 hingga sekarang.
Selepas politik
Selepas kerjaya politiknya, Aishah menyandang jawatan Pengerusi Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia (1985-1997), Ahli Jawatankuasa Yayasan Tun Abdul Razak, serta Pengerusi Pusat Perlindungan Wanita Darsaadah. Selain itu, beliau juga merupakan Pengerusi Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad sejak penubuhannya pada tahun 1975.
Seakan-akan ini tidak mencukupi, Aishah juga menumpukan masanya dalam bidang perniagaan, dan merupakan pengerusi dan/atau pengarah untuk sekurang-kurang tujuh syarikat sendirian berhad.
Anugerah
1971: Johan Mangku Negara (J.M.N.) oleh Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1978: Darjah Dato' Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Kedua (D.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka' oleh Kerajaan Selangor
1985: Panglima Mangku Negara (P.M.N.) yang membawa gelaran 'Tan Sri' oleh Sri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1986: Ijazah Kehormat Kedoktoran Undang-undang oleh Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM)
1999: Darjah Seri Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Pertama (S.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka Seri' oleh DYMM Sultan Selangor
2002: Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Falsafah Sains Politik oleh Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM).
Hard road for visionary leader
Aishah Ghani: Never regretted her hard life in politics and fight for Malaysian independence. Picture: Bernama KUALA LUMPUR, 7 Mac -- WANITA BERHATI WAJA ... "Peranan kaum ibu dan orang lelaki sama," demikian kata tokoh politik veteran Tan Sri Aishah Ghani, 83, dalam wawancara dengan Bernama mengenai peranan kaum wanita dalam perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan ketik
Melati Mohd AriffKUALA LUMPUR
Thursday, March 8, 2007
AT AGE 12, Aishah Ghani left her homeland to study in Sumatra. She went away with a heavy heart that day in 1935, but despite the tears at the receding image of her mother, there was a sense of satisfaction that she was doing the right thing."During that time, girls were married off young. They couldn't even think of continuing their studies," she says. "I learnt to be independent by 12, and from the outset I was inclined toward politics. It's only right that what we undergo becomes the catalyst to what we advocate," says Aishah, who turned 83 last December. She's not an idle senior citizen either. The Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad chairman since 1974 makes it a point to come to office daily. It's her routine to be at her office from 9.30am to noon or evening. She has been active in politics for almost half a century. Her mind is still sharp when responding to questions on Merdeka and the fate of the Malays.Aishah was exposed to the true meaning of patriotism and nationalistic aspirations when she was studying at the all-girls religious school Diniyah Puteri in Padang Panjang. Indonesia, at the time, was under the Dutch and Aishah witnessed and felt the vigour of Indonesian nationalism and the fight for self-determination.Aishah recalls that the school's 700 students displayed high spirits though many had never seen their fathers who were banished by the Dutch."Many Indonesians were forced to become labourers as they could not afford the head tax imposed by the Dutch colonial government. From my school, I could see the Dutch army troops whipping the labourers."There were many freedom-fighters in Indonesia. We were often reminded that we would remain as long as we were still under Dutch rule. We were told to think of independence and participate in whatever movement to seek independence," continues Aishah, adding that she and her contemporaries were free to discuss politics and had access to many books on the subject.Aishah continued her education at the Islamic Teachers' Training College (1940-43) in Padang and then went on to London where she took up journalism at the Regent Street Polytechnic in 1955. At that time she was already married to Abdul Aziz Abu Hassan and had three children."I knew that we had to be equipped to succeed and learning English was important. To be prepared to fight for independence, I had to master English." Aishah was initially a teacher, serving in Lenggeng, Negri Sembilan during the Japanese Occupation. Once she had a very high fever and no medication. "I can't even describe how difficult the situation was then, you couldn't find rice, food, clothing and medicine. If you survived the Japanese Occupation you should count yourself lucky."However, her career as a journalist was more eventful. She started off with Pelita Malaya, the official publication of Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). She was also a Berita Harian reporter from 1959 to 1963.On her involvement in politics, which began during Malaysia's road to independence, she says she has no regrets despite all kinds of tribulations. Aishah is a noted figure in the nation's political landscape, perhaps because there are not many Malay women during her days who can rival her achievement. Her involvement in Pergerakan Kaum Ibu (the precursor of Wanita Umno) was momentous.Prior to her distinguished role in Umno, Aishah was the head of Angkatan Wanita Sedar (Awas), the left wing of PKMM. In 1949, she joined Umno in Kampung Baru and was appointed secretary of Pergerakan Kaum Ibu Kuala Lumpur, which was interrupted when she took up journalism in London from 1955 to 1959.From 1960 to 1972, she was the deputy head of the Pergerakan Kaum Ibu and as the Secretary of Selangor Wanita Umno and also the only female member of the Umno Supreme Council. She took over the helm of Wanita Umno in 1972 after defeating Tun Fatimah Hashim who had held the post for 16 years. Aishah remained the lynchpin of the organisation until 1984.In 1963, Aishah became the first woman to be appointed senator, and on March 1, 1973, was appointed the Welfare Minister. Aishah was also bestowed many awards and was conferred a "Tan Sri" title in 1985.Women have contributed significantly to Malaysia's independence. Aishah provided an example where, during the stand-off against the Malayan Union, 10 years before Merdeka, the women came out in full force to join in the demonstrations."The role played by the men and women are the same. The women were frightened by the bad experience they had to go through during the Japanese Occupation. If women had just sat at home, they wouldn't have contributed much."Therefore after the war, when invited to stand up against Malayan Union, they came out in full force despite difficulties. "They carried children on the hips, spent their money, walked for miles. The women folk were never left out in the fight for Merdeka. They were strong supporters of the male leaders." Aishah's life is full of trials and tribulations, beginning with her journey to seek knowledge, living through the British and Japanese Occupations and her involvement in the nation's politics.Therefore when asked how she feels as the nation will soon be celebrating its 50th anniversary, she replied: "Definitely I'm thankful to Allah, moreover in this advanced age I'm still able to celebrate the nation's 50th Merdeka anniversary."I'm humbled because I will be among the citizens who will celebrate 50 years of nationhood. "Probably there are not many from my generation who have the opportunity to do so. As for me I have been around when the nation was conceived, born and emerged as a prosperous and developed nation." Aishah says the struggle for independence by the freedom-fighters of yesteryears was not wasted as it gave rise to a nation that promised a glorious future as long as the citizens stay united and provide support.Yet, despite the 50th Merdeka celebration euphoria and the satisfaction she derived from her involvement in politics and Umno, Aishah is sad because the Malays are yet to fully benefit from the independence."We are still left out from the 30 per cent Bumiputera equity target. It remains at 18 per cent. Our hopes of seeing the Malays being at par with the other races remain a dream though various policies in favour of them have been formulated by the succeeding leaders," she says.In Aishah's honest view, she attributes this shortcoming to the Malays' attitude and mentality."The new found luxuries and too much entertainment have made the Malays complacent and they are not aware of their responsibilities. "Their lifestyle is neither forward-looking nor well-planned," says Aishah earnestly. Bernama
Source URL:http://www.bt.com.bn/en/en/classification/life/faces/2007/03/08/hard_road_for_visionary_leader
Title:
Tan Sri Aishah Ghani /E-man.
Author:
E-man
Publisher:
Kuala Lumpur :Cipta Publishing,2007.
Physical:
52 p. :ill. col. ;30 cm.
Notes:
Summary:
Subjects:
Cabinet officersMalaysiaBiographyPoliticiansMalaysiaBiographyAishah Haji Abdul Ghani,Tan Sri, Datin Paduka Hajah,1924-
Language:
Malay
Call Number:
RAC 959.505092 EMA
(International IDEA, 2002, Women in Parliament, Stockholm (http://www.idea.int). This is an English translation of Wan Azizah, “Perempuan dalam Politik: Refleksi dari Malaysia,” in International IDEA, 2002, Perempuan di Parlemen: Bukan Sekedar Jumlah,Stockholm: International IDEA, pp. 191-202. (This translation may vary slightly from the original text. If there are discrepancies in the meaning, the original Bahasa-Indonesia version is the definitive text).
Case Study
Women in Politics: Reflections from Malaysia
W a n Az i z a h
Women constitute half of humanity, and it follows that any decision-making, whether at the personal, family, societal or public levels, should be mindful of and involve the participation of women in the making of those decisions. Women’s political, social and economic rights are an integral and inseparable part of their human rights. Democracy is an inclusive process, and therefore in a functioning democracy, the points of view of different interest groups must be taken into account in formulating any decision. The interest and opinions of men, women and minorities must be part of that decision-making process.
Yet far from being included in the decision-making process, women find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Numerous challenges confront women entering politics. Among them are lack of party support, family support and the "masculine model" of political life. Many feel that Malaysian society is still male dominated, and men are threatened by the idea of women holding senior posts. In the political sphere this is compounded by the high premium placed on political power. This makes some men even less willing to share power with women. Based on the Malaysian experience, this case study will explore some of the obstacles that hinder the participation of women in
parliament, and propose strategies that may be used to overcome them.
The Malaysian Context
Malaysia is a federation of thirteen states and three federal territories. Nine of the states are headed by sultans, the other four by governors appointed by the king, known as Yang Dipertuan Agong (YDPA). The YDPA is elected from among the sultans by the Council of Rulers made up of the sultans themselves. The position is rotated among them for a fiveyear term. The YDPA rules with the advice of the prime minister and the sultans rule in their various states with the advice of their chief ministers. Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy that follows a system of parliamentary democracy.
The prime minister and chief ministers are elected by the people through general elections held regularly every five years.
The current YDPA is the twelfth since the nation’s independence on 31 August 1957. At independence the nation was made up of eleven states1 and was called the Federation of Malaya. In 1963, Sabah and Sarawak joined the Federation to form the Federation of Malaysia.
Women constitute over 50 percent of Malaysia’s 23 million people. Famed as a multi-ethnic country, rich in its variety of cultures, Malaysia’s population is made up of more than 30 ethnic groups2. Less than eight percent of the population was classified as living below poverty line before the 1997 economic crisis; the literacy rate is above 85 percent and life expectancy is comparable to developed countries. It has a bicameral parliamentary system composed of a lower house (Dewan Rakyat) and upper house (Dewan Negara). While members of the Dewan Rakyat are elected, members of the Dewan Negara are appointed either by the states or directly by the YDPA acting on the advice of the prime minister.
The National Front (Barisan Nasional or BN), a coalition of about fifteen political parties established in 1974 in the aftermath of 13 May 1969 racial riots, forms the government. BN’s core members, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), that earlier formed the Alliance Party (1955-1974), have been at the helm of the government since the country’s independence. While BN dominates Malaysian mainstream politics and the parliament with an almost unbroken record of two-thirds majority or more, the nation has credible opposition parties, including the Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) and since 1999, Parti keADILan Nasional (keADILan).
2
Women in Malaysian Politics
In 2002, Malaysia had three women in full ministerial positions: the Minister of Women and Family Development, the Minister of International Trade and Industry and the Minister of Welfare and National Unity. In addition, women occupy other significant governmental posts that include deputy ministers, political secretaries, diplomats, senior civil servants, elected members of various state assemblies, and senators in the Dewan Negara. In the Dewan Rakyat, there are now 20 women members of parliament, out of 193 total members. If the number of elected women MPs is an indicator, there has been a slow improvement in the status and position of women in Malaysian politics.
Nevertheless, the presence of women in Malaysia’s decision making process is still far from satisfactory. Some women leaders have talked of gender parity in this context. And for the time being, women still find themselves underrepresented in Malaysian political institutions.
Table 1: Women Members of Parliament in Malaysia from 1955 to 1999
Election Year 1955 1959 1964 1969 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1995 1999
Total
Parliamentary
Seats 52 104 104 144 154 154 154 177 180 192 193
Women MPs 1 3 3 2 5 7 8 7 11 15 20
% 2.00 2.90 2.90 1.38 3.25 4.54 5.19 3.95 6.11 7.80 10.36
Source: Rashila Ramli. 2000. "Modernisasi Politik: Ke Arah Keseimbangan Gender dalam Penyertaan Politik?” In Abdul
Rahman Embong (ed.), Negara, Pasaran dan Pemodenan Malaysia. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, pp. 198-
213.
There are at least five factors that form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics: subliminal discrimination against women; time
constraints; the notion that “a woman’s place is at home”; natural apathy and
aversion to political involvement and lack of adequate resources.
According to Rashila and Saliha3 there are at least five common factors which form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics. They classify the factors as, social discrimination against women’s roles in the public
domain, time constraints due to career and domestic demands, cultural and religious arguments that a woman’s place is
in the home, structural constraints within each political party that do not allow women to advance beyond a certain
level, and lack of adequate resources in terms of organizational support, personal influence and finance. Contrary to
popular misperceptions, an understanding of Islamic concepts leads one to appreciate the liberating possibilities afforded
by the teachings of the religion. In many cases, religion has empowered and enabled women to reach their full potential
and capabilities just as much as men. The experience of Malay women at the turn of the last century is a case in point.
Muslim Women and ‘Reformasi’
In the past, Malay women have been active in the public sphere. Che Siti Wan Kembang was a female ruler of the state
of Kelantan on the east coast of peninsular Malaysia in the seventeenth century. History tells us that Malay women were
also rulers of the kingdom of Aceh.4 For example, Ratu Shafiuddin, the daughter of Sultan Iskandar Thani, ascended to
the throne after the death of her husband, Sultan Iskandar Muda. In fact, Aceh was ruled by a succession of queens for
the next fifty years. On the islands of Maluku and Sulawesi, there were other Malay women rulers.
A century ago, Muslim reformers like Syed Sheikh Al Hadi, Sheikh Tahir Jalaluddin and their contemporaries in the
progressive Islamic movement - popularly known as the Kaum Muda - spread the idea that Malay Muslim girls should
receive the best of modern education along with the boys.5 Although initially these ideas encountered some opposition
from the more conservative minded, Malay society in general embraced this suggestion with open arms. Thus, even
before independence, Malay Muslim society adopted this liberal attitude towards its women and an open atmosphere
which encouraged education and the role of women in the public sphere. Since then, we have had women in the civil
service and in the corporate sector who have attained senior positions.
Therefore, unlike other societies, there does not appear to be confusion or significant conflict in terms of the roles
played by women in Malaysia. Our society has been fortunate in that we had these visionary scholars and intellectuals
3
who opened up avenues for women more than a century ago. In many cases, Islam has empowered and enabled women
to reach their full potential and capabilities just as much as men. In fact, in Malaysia the most politicized and politically
active group of women has always been the Malay Muslims.6
After independence, the first Malaysian woman to become a minister was Fatimah Haji Hashim, who was appointed
to be Minister for Welfare by the country’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman. Since then, women have tended
to be assigned either to ministries seen as “suitable” to their roles, such as the Ministry of Welfare or the Ministry of
Women and Family Development, or to junior ministries such as Culture, Youth and Sports, now realigned to become
the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts.7
The only woman who has been given a senior ministerial post is Rafidah Aziz who was appointed Minister of
International Trade and Industry in 1987. Even now, the proportion of women ministers or deputies, compared to men,
is very small, and still far behind the developed world.8
There is no quota system in Malaysia to increase women's political representation. At the party level, women are only
beginning to take up important positions. In the ruling party UMNO, there is only one elected woman member out of
the about forty members on its supreme council, while Parti keADILan has eight women elected its leadership council.
Besides the eight women leaders elected to the policymaking body of keADILan (including the president and the
treasurer), two keADILan state committees (in Sabah and Sarawak) are also headed by women.9
However, what is more important is that the dual political and economic crises of September 1998,10 acted as a
catalyst in galvanizing the latent public mood for reform (reformasi). These events also helped sensitize women to take a
more active interest in the country’s social, economic and political domains. This is proven by the active role of women
in the reformasi movement since that year. Women have clearly played at least an equal role with men in activating
programs carried out in the quest for change.
Women played an important and active role in the reform movement,
sensitizing them to become more active in participating in the country’s social,
economic and political issues.
Over the past three years, we can see the continuing role played by women in sustaining the endeavors for a more open,
just, and equitable society. The vigor with which they are carrying out these efforts disproves the often quoted cliché
that women are fickle and easily swayed. The sheer perseverance and tenacity of women in this struggle has in fact
resulted in a very natural bonding or synergy in generating strength and enthusiasm to work towards a fairer and more
just society and government in Malaysia.
As part of this effort, it is necessary to establish an alternative agenda that includes enabling women to maximize their
potential in contributing to their personal well-being and to the development of their society. It is necessary to create an
alternative forum that goes beyond tokenism that does not just use women as an accessory of the political machinery to
bring in the votes during elections. If women are enabled to maximize their potential, they will be able to contribute to
the empowerment of all citizens in society. This can happen without denigrating the social, cultural or religious
obligations that are part of every woman’s life.
While women’s positions in politics are one aspect contributing to development, it is important to remember the role
women play in other sectors of society. Malaysia’s experience has shown that any discussion on the role of women in
politics cannot be confined to only representation in formal institutions. A great number of women, after having pursued
their education to tertiary levels, choose to become homemakers. Although they may not be occupying formal positions
commensurate with their training, they are also contributing to the development of society by bringing up their children
and family in a more enlightened environment.
The common definitions of democracy and politics generally do not lend themselves to a woman-friendly approach.
The linking of ideas of democracy and gender is still an arena that needs to be further explored.
Obstacles Faced by Women in Parliament
The numerous problems facing women who enter politics in Malaysia deters many from political involvement.
Dual Burden
Women themselves are less assertive and often have to shoulder additional burdens, juggling domestic responsibilities
and career concerns thereby making it hard for any but the most determined to succeed. However, a more relaxed
4
attitude is discernable among the younger generation and men now appear to be more willing to see women as partners
in both the domestic and professional spheres. Since political leaders tend to be middle-aged, it will perhaps be some
years before this change is reflected at the highest levels of politics.
Political Parties
The nature of political parties also hinders the political involvement of women. In general, it can perhaps be observed
that the comfortably entrenched parties tend to adhere to more conservative attitudes, failing to see and adapt to the
fairly radical changes taking place in society. It is the more dynamic alternative or opposition parties that have on the
whole given greater opportunity to women. Also, many political parties have few resources to devote to training and
education, including for women, because of the multiple pressures applied by those in authority.
Deterring Environment for Women
It is sad to note that female MPs and women representatives in the various state assemblies still face sexual harassment in
the form of disparaging remarks and offensive jokes made during parliamentary or state assembly sessions. There has
been no effective action taken to ameliorate such abusive practices and both female and male members of parliament
have not been successful in making any concerted effort to change the situation. Another reason keeping women away
from politics is that they often consider it as a male realm, and are often daunted by the hypocrisy and "dirty game" of
politics.
Strategies to Open Access for Women in Politics
Considering the conditions above, it is necessary to explore the strategies that women employ to access the public sphere
in the context of a patriarchal socio-political system. There are women who have been successful in subverting the
boundaries of gender, and in operating in a very aggressive male-dominated sphere. Could other women learn from this
example? It is important to note that many of the women who have been successful come from a background in the
political elite. Their background and class is perhaps the most important factor in their successful inclusion into the
political system. We can, however, examine whether socio-political movements provide opportunities for women to use
certain strategies that might be able to subvert the gender hierarchy in politics.
Certain forms of support within the society are important for the development of women’s role in politics, and there
are already many success stories of this type.
The most important is political awareness. Muslim women who had until recently been relatively invisible in the
public sphere are suddenly filling up meeting halls and organising campaigns for women’s rights, civil rights, human
rights, and for democracy. Prominent among them were women from the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM),
Jemaah Islah Malaysia (JIM) and various civil society NGOs like Tenaganita and Suaram.
The second is education, which provides the core of informed and competent female opinion. Thirdly, there are now
many women holding senior positions in the country’s civil service. This has ensured women’s input in the planning and
implementation of government policy.
Many of the NGOs aligned themselves with keADILan, and by extension, the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif or
BA), which is a coalition of opposition parties -keADILan, PAS, DAP and PRM - in the fiercely contested 1999 general
elections. Hajjah Zainon Jaafar (ABIM), Fuziah Salleh (JIM), Irene Fernandez (Tenaganita) and Zaiton Kasim
(Women’s Candidacy Initiative) were picked to contest on the BA platform. Such alignment between civil society
activists and political parties has come to be regarded as a feature of “new politics” in Malaysia post-1998.
It is also important to remember that we should look beyond the often
asked question of how to increase the numbers of women in parliament, and
move towards presenting examples and experiences of how women can
impact on the political process while working through a parliamentary
structure.
Malaysia, like any other country, needs to have balanced male/female representation in the public sphere, including
politics, so that women can participate in high-level decision-making. Having women at the highest levels of decisionmaking
not only means the articulation of issues generally perceived to be women’s issues, but ensures that the interests
and needs of women, who are half of the population, are given due weight and consideration. Beyond that, the presence
of women at these levels will mean that women’s perspectives will be easier to hear and more highly valued in national
discussions, in the direction of creating a more just, open, fair and equitable society. Without a sufficiently visible, if not
5
proportionate, presence in the political system - i.e. "threshold representation" - a group's ability to influence either
policy-making, or indeed the framing of political culture, is limited.
A Political Credo
On a personal note, I would like to end by mentioning that I never aspired nor dreamed that I would be occupying my
current position, in helping to bring about change in society. Some commentators have mentioned that it is a unique
position, borne out of exceptional circumstances that befell the country when the cataclysmic events of 1998 gave rise to
a public outcry for reform.
The experience in Malaysia has shown that women tend to take a greater interest in politics in times of crisis.
Certainly, Malaysian women have responded strongly to the events surrounding the political persecution of leaders of the
opposition. One of the most gratifying aspects of keADILan’s popularity is that a substantial proportion of its supporters
are women. As daughters, sisters, wives and mothers, they could readily empathize with the victims of abuses. As an
“accidental” politician, I share the view that the struggle for justice must be continued even outside the sanctioned
perimeters of elections held once every five years.
The cause of justice must be fought for vigorously at all times so as to create ultimately a government and society that
is not only just but that provides dignity to the people. Although my journey into politics was not a deliberate and
concerted plan, everyone has the right to use the arena of electoral politics to promote their cause. My cause is justice,
especially for women, and for the disenfranchised and other marginalized groups in society. I sincerely believe in what
the great sages have said throughout history, that the journey of a thousand miles starts with the first step. A Chinese
proverb has it that a mountain is made up of many pebbles and that the ocean consists of millions of drops of water. In
short, whatever the adversities and obstacles placed in our paths, Malaysia’s women will answer with the universal chorus
of common humanity: we shall overcome.
Endnotes
1. The states are Perlis, Kedah, Pulau Pinang, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Johor, Pahang, Terengganu
and Kelantan.
2. 61 percent are indigenous Malay (bumiputra), i.e. 50 percent Malays on peninsular Malaysia who are Muslims while
the other 11 percent are Malays from Sabah and Sarawak, of whom some are Muslim but many are Christians and
animist. Thirty percent are Chinese, nine percent are Indians and other mainly non-Muslim.
3. Rashila Ramli and Saliha Hassan. 1998. "Trends and Forms of Women's Participation in Politics." In Sharifah
Zaleha Syed Hassan (ed.), Malaysian Women In The Wake Of Change. Kuala Lumpur: Gender Studies Programme,
Universiti Malaya. Pp. 88-104.
4. Aceh is now part of Indonesia, on the island of Sumatra, but was a powerful Malay state before the colonial period.
5. These men were notable religious scholars and modernist intellectuals who had received their education at the
prestigious Al-Azhar University in Cairo. While they were in Cairo, they came into contact with the reformist and
universalist ideas of, among others, Muhammed Abduh, Rashid Ridha and Jamaluddin al-Afghani.
6. In the period leading to national independence in 1957 these included Shamsiah Fakeh who led the Angkatan
Wanita Sedar (AWAS) towards the end of the Japanese Occupation until it was proscribed by the British in 1948,
and others in UMNO’s women’s wing such as Khatijah Sidek, Ibu Zain, Aishah Ghani and Fatimah Hj Hashim.
Fatimah was the first woman minister in independent Malaya.
7. The ministers are: Welfare - Fatimah Hj. Hashim, Aishah Ghani, Napsiah Omar (Deputy Minister); Ministry of
Women and Family Development - Shahrizat Jalil; Culture, Youth and Sports - Rosemary Chong – Deputy
Minister, which has now realigned to become the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts - Ng Yen Yen – Deputy
Minister.
8. It also appears that the women appointed to executive positions in the government are seen as having been rewarded
for securing the support of women voters. In other words, the appointment of some women is not seen as based on
their personal qualities or professional capabilities.
9. Dato’ Hafsah Harun (a former State Minister) and Datin Saidatul Badru (the daughter of a former Chief Minister and Governor) are the leaders for keADILan in Sarawak and Sabah respectively.
10. This includes Anwar Ibrahim’s abrupt dismissal from his position as deputy minister, and his physical assault two
weeks later by the Inspector General of Police, while he was blindfolded and had his hands handcuffed behind his
back.
http://www.idea.int/publications/wip/upload/CS_Malaysia_Azizah.pdf
Tan Sri Datin Paduka Seri Dr. Aishah Ghani (lahir 15 Disember 1923) ialah Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat Malaysia antara 1973 dan 1984, serta Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia antara tahun 1972 sehingga 1984.
Pendidikan
Dilahirkan di Kampung Sungai Serai, Hulu Langat, Selangor, Aishah memperoleh pendidikan awalnya di Sekolah Melayu Bukit Raya, Cheras, Selangor dan menyertai sekolah menengah di Diniyah Puteri, Padang Panjang, Sumatera Barat, Indonesia, dari tahun 1936 hingga 1939. Pada tahun 1940 hingga 1943, beliau menyertai Maktab Perguruan Tinggi Islam di Padang, Sumatera Barat, dan kemudiannya pergi ke London pada April 1955 dan memperoleh ijazah kewartawanannya dari Politeknik Regent Street di London pada Disember 1958.
Kerjaya politik
Penglibatan Aishah dalam bidang politik bermula sebaik sahaja Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) ditubuhkan pada tahun 1945, dan beliau menjadi Ahli Jawatankuasa dan sekaligus mengetuai sayap wanita yang dipanggil Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS). Ketika itu, beliau juga bertugas sebagai wartawan Pelita Malaya, lidah rasmi PKMM.
Aishah keluar daripada AWAS pada tahun 1946 (AWAS kemudian diharamkan oleh kerajaan pada tahun 1948) dan menyertai perhimpunan yang menuntut kemerdekaan di Kelab Sultan Sulaiman, Kuala Lumpur, pada Mac tahun yang sama. Beliau menyertai UMNO Kampung Baru pada tahun 1949 dan dilantik sebagai Setiausaha.
Sekembalinya Aishah dari kursusnya di London pada tahun 1959, beliau bertugas sekali lagi sebagai wartawan, kali ini untuk Berita Harian, serta sebagai penyunting di Kumpulan Akhbar New Straits Times. Beliau meletakkan kedua-dua jawatannya pada tahun 1963 apabila beliau menjadi Ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO serta Naib Ketua Wanita UMNO, dan dilantik sebagai aenator wanita yang pertama di Malaysia serta wakil wanita Malaysia yang pertama ke Perhimpunan Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB). Dari tahun 1967 hingga 1972, Aishah menjadi wakil Malaysia ke Persidangan Suruhanjaya Taraf Wanita PBB. Beliau juga menyandang jawatan Setiausaha Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Negeri Selangor antara tahun 1960 hingga 1972.
Pada tahun 1972, Aishah dipilih menjadi Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia, satu pertubuhan yang beliau mengetuai selama 12 tahun sehingga 1984. Pada 1 Mac 1973, beliau dilantik sebagai Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat selepas persaraan Tun Tan Sri Dr. Fatimah dan memegang jawatan ini selama 11 tahun sebelum menamatkan khidmatnya pada tahun 1984. Semasa menyandang jawatan Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat, beliau melancarkan Yayasan Kebajikan Negara, sebuah pertubuhan yang masih berfungsi pada hari ini. Aishah ialah Pengerusi Tetap Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia sejak tahun 1986 hingga sekarang.
Selepas politik
Selepas kerjaya politiknya, Aishah menyandang jawatan Pengerusi Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia (1985-1997), Ahli Jawatankuasa Yayasan Tun Abdul Razak, serta Pengerusi Pusat Perlindungan Wanita Darsaadah. Selain itu, beliau juga merupakan Pengerusi Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad sejak penubuhannya pada tahun 1975.
Seakan-akan ini tidak mencukupi, Aishah juga menumpukan masanya dalam bidang perniagaan, dan merupakan pengerusi dan/atau pengarah untuk sekurang-kurang tujuh syarikat sendirian berhad.
Anugerah
1971: Johan Mangku Negara (J.M.N.) oleh Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1978: Darjah Dato' Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Kedua (D.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka' oleh Kerajaan Selangor
1985: Panglima Mangku Negara (P.M.N.) yang membawa gelaran 'Tan Sri' oleh Sri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1986: Ijazah Kehormat Kedoktoran Undang-undang oleh Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM)
1999: Darjah Seri Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Pertama (S.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka Seri' oleh DYMM Sultan Selangor
2002: Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Falsafah Sains Politik oleh Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM).
Hard road for visionary leader
Aishah Ghani: Never regretted her hard life in politics and fight for Malaysian independence. Picture: Bernama KUALA LUMPUR, 7 Mac -- WANITA BERHATI WAJA ... "Peranan kaum ibu dan orang lelaki sama," demikian kata tokoh politik veteran Tan Sri Aishah Ghani, 83, dalam wawancara dengan Bernama mengenai peranan kaum wanita dalam perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan ketik
Melati Mohd AriffKUALA LUMPUR
Thursday, March 8, 2007
AT AGE 12, Aishah Ghani left her homeland to study in Sumatra. She went away with a heavy heart that day in 1935, but despite the tears at the receding image of her mother, there was a sense of satisfaction that she was doing the right thing."During that time, girls were married off young. They couldn't even think of continuing their studies," she says. "I learnt to be independent by 12, and from the outset I was inclined toward politics. It's only right that what we undergo becomes the catalyst to what we advocate," says Aishah, who turned 83 last December. She's not an idle senior citizen either. The Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad chairman since 1974 makes it a point to come to office daily. It's her routine to be at her office from 9.30am to noon or evening. She has been active in politics for almost half a century. Her mind is still sharp when responding to questions on Merdeka and the fate of the Malays.Aishah was exposed to the true meaning of patriotism and nationalistic aspirations when she was studying at the all-girls religious school Diniyah Puteri in Padang Panjang. Indonesia, at the time, was under the Dutch and Aishah witnessed and felt the vigour of Indonesian nationalism and the fight for self-determination.Aishah recalls that the school's 700 students displayed high spirits though many had never seen their fathers who were banished by the Dutch."Many Indonesians were forced to become labourers as they could not afford the head tax imposed by the Dutch colonial government. From my school, I could see the Dutch army troops whipping the labourers."There were many freedom-fighters in Indonesia. We were often reminded that we would remain as long as we were still under Dutch rule. We were told to think of independence and participate in whatever movement to seek independence," continues Aishah, adding that she and her contemporaries were free to discuss politics and had access to many books on the subject.Aishah continued her education at the Islamic Teachers' Training College (1940-43) in Padang and then went on to London where she took up journalism at the Regent Street Polytechnic in 1955. At that time she was already married to Abdul Aziz Abu Hassan and had three children."I knew that we had to be equipped to succeed and learning English was important. To be prepared to fight for independence, I had to master English." Aishah was initially a teacher, serving in Lenggeng, Negri Sembilan during the Japanese Occupation. Once she had a very high fever and no medication. "I can't even describe how difficult the situation was then, you couldn't find rice, food, clothing and medicine. If you survived the Japanese Occupation you should count yourself lucky."However, her career as a journalist was more eventful. She started off with Pelita Malaya, the official publication of Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). She was also a Berita Harian reporter from 1959 to 1963.On her involvement in politics, which began during Malaysia's road to independence, she says she has no regrets despite all kinds of tribulations. Aishah is a noted figure in the nation's political landscape, perhaps because there are not many Malay women during her days who can rival her achievement. Her involvement in Pergerakan Kaum Ibu (the precursor of Wanita Umno) was momentous.Prior to her distinguished role in Umno, Aishah was the head of Angkatan Wanita Sedar (Awas), the left wing of PKMM. In 1949, she joined Umno in Kampung Baru and was appointed secretary of Pergerakan Kaum Ibu Kuala Lumpur, which was interrupted when she took up journalism in London from 1955 to 1959.From 1960 to 1972, she was the deputy head of the Pergerakan Kaum Ibu and as the Secretary of Selangor Wanita Umno and also the only female member of the Umno Supreme Council. She took over the helm of Wanita Umno in 1972 after defeating Tun Fatimah Hashim who had held the post for 16 years. Aishah remained the lynchpin of the organisation until 1984.In 1963, Aishah became the first woman to be appointed senator, and on March 1, 1973, was appointed the Welfare Minister. Aishah was also bestowed many awards and was conferred a "Tan Sri" title in 1985.Women have contributed significantly to Malaysia's independence. Aishah provided an example where, during the stand-off against the Malayan Union, 10 years before Merdeka, the women came out in full force to join in the demonstrations."The role played by the men and women are the same. The women were frightened by the bad experience they had to go through during the Japanese Occupation. If women had just sat at home, they wouldn't have contributed much."Therefore after the war, when invited to stand up against Malayan Union, they came out in full force despite difficulties. "They carried children on the hips, spent their money, walked for miles. The women folk were never left out in the fight for Merdeka. They were strong supporters of the male leaders." Aishah's life is full of trials and tribulations, beginning with her journey to seek knowledge, living through the British and Japanese Occupations and her involvement in the nation's politics.Therefore when asked how she feels as the nation will soon be celebrating its 50th anniversary, she replied: "Definitely I'm thankful to Allah, moreover in this advanced age I'm still able to celebrate the nation's 50th Merdeka anniversary."I'm humbled because I will be among the citizens who will celebrate 50 years of nationhood. "Probably there are not many from my generation who have the opportunity to do so. As for me I have been around when the nation was conceived, born and emerged as a prosperous and developed nation." Aishah says the struggle for independence by the freedom-fighters of yesteryears was not wasted as it gave rise to a nation that promised a glorious future as long as the citizens stay united and provide support.Yet, despite the 50th Merdeka celebration euphoria and the satisfaction she derived from her involvement in politics and Umno, Aishah is sad because the Malays are yet to fully benefit from the independence."We are still left out from the 30 per cent Bumiputera equity target. It remains at 18 per cent. Our hopes of seeing the Malays being at par with the other races remain a dream though various policies in favour of them have been formulated by the succeeding leaders," she says.In Aishah's honest view, she attributes this shortcoming to the Malays' attitude and mentality."The new found luxuries and too much entertainment have made the Malays complacent and they are not aware of their responsibilities. "Their lifestyle is neither forward-looking nor well-planned," says Aishah earnestly. Bernama
Source URL:http://www.bt.com.bn/en/en/classification/life/faces/2007/03/08/hard_road_for_visionary_leader
Title:
Tan Sri Aishah Ghani /E-man.
Author:
E-man
Publisher:
Kuala Lumpur :Cipta Publishing,2007.
Physical:
52 p. :ill. col. ;30 cm.
Notes:
Summary:
Subjects:
Cabinet officersMalaysiaBiographyPoliticiansMalaysiaBiographyAishah Haji Abdul Ghani,Tan Sri, Datin Paduka Hajah,1924-
Language:
Malay
Call Number:
RAC 959.505092 EMA
(International IDEA, 2002, Women in Parliament, Stockholm (http://www.idea.int). This is an English translation of Wan Azizah, “Perempuan dalam Politik: Refleksi dari Malaysia,” in International IDEA, 2002, Perempuan di Parlemen: Bukan Sekedar Jumlah,Stockholm: International IDEA, pp. 191-202. (This translation may vary slightly from the original text. If there are discrepancies in the meaning, the original Bahasa-Indonesia version is the definitive text).
Case Study
Women in Politics: Reflections from Malaysia
W a n Az i z a h
Women constitute half of humanity, and it follows that any decision-making, whether at the personal, family, societal or public levels, should be mindful of and involve the participation of women in the making of those decisions. Women’s political, social and economic rights are an integral and inseparable part of their human rights. Democracy is an inclusive process, and therefore in a functioning democracy, the points of view of different interest groups must be taken into account in formulating any decision. The interest and opinions of men, women and minorities must be part of that decision-making process.
Yet far from being included in the decision-making process, women find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Numerous challenges confront women entering politics. Among them are lack of party support, family support and the "masculine model" of political life. Many feel that Malaysian society is still male dominated, and men are threatened by the idea of women holding senior posts. In the political sphere this is compounded by the high premium placed on political power. This makes some men even less willing to share power with women. Based on the Malaysian experience, this case study will explore some of the obstacles that hinder the participation of women in
parliament, and propose strategies that may be used to overcome them.
The Malaysian Context
Malaysia is a federation of thirteen states and three federal territories. Nine of the states are headed by sultans, the other four by governors appointed by the king, known as Yang Dipertuan Agong (YDPA). The YDPA is elected from among the sultans by the Council of Rulers made up of the sultans themselves. The position is rotated among them for a fiveyear term. The YDPA rules with the advice of the prime minister and the sultans rule in their various states with the advice of their chief ministers. Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy that follows a system of parliamentary democracy.
The prime minister and chief ministers are elected by the people through general elections held regularly every five years.
The current YDPA is the twelfth since the nation’s independence on 31 August 1957. At independence the nation was made up of eleven states1 and was called the Federation of Malaya. In 1963, Sabah and Sarawak joined the Federation to form the Federation of Malaysia.
Women constitute over 50 percent of Malaysia’s 23 million people. Famed as a multi-ethnic country, rich in its variety of cultures, Malaysia’s population is made up of more than 30 ethnic groups2. Less than eight percent of the population was classified as living below poverty line before the 1997 economic crisis; the literacy rate is above 85 percent and life expectancy is comparable to developed countries. It has a bicameral parliamentary system composed of a lower house (Dewan Rakyat) and upper house (Dewan Negara). While members of the Dewan Rakyat are elected, members of the Dewan Negara are appointed either by the states or directly by the YDPA acting on the advice of the prime minister.
The National Front (Barisan Nasional or BN), a coalition of about fifteen political parties established in 1974 in the aftermath of 13 May 1969 racial riots, forms the government. BN’s core members, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), that earlier formed the Alliance Party (1955-1974), have been at the helm of the government since the country’s independence. While BN dominates Malaysian mainstream politics and the parliament with an almost unbroken record of two-thirds majority or more, the nation has credible opposition parties, including the Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) and since 1999, Parti keADILan Nasional (keADILan).
2
Women in Malaysian Politics
In 2002, Malaysia had three women in full ministerial positions: the Minister of Women and Family Development, the Minister of International Trade and Industry and the Minister of Welfare and National Unity. In addition, women occupy other significant governmental posts that include deputy ministers, political secretaries, diplomats, senior civil servants, elected members of various state assemblies, and senators in the Dewan Negara. In the Dewan Rakyat, there are now 20 women members of parliament, out of 193 total members. If the number of elected women MPs is an indicator, there has been a slow improvement in the status and position of women in Malaysian politics.
Nevertheless, the presence of women in Malaysia’s decision making process is still far from satisfactory. Some women leaders have talked of gender parity in this context. And for the time being, women still find themselves underrepresented in Malaysian political institutions.
Table 1: Women Members of Parliament in Malaysia from 1955 to 1999
Election Year 1955 1959 1964 1969 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1995 1999
Total
Parliamentary
Seats 52 104 104 144 154 154 154 177 180 192 193
Women MPs 1 3 3 2 5 7 8 7 11 15 20
% 2.00 2.90 2.90 1.38 3.25 4.54 5.19 3.95 6.11 7.80 10.36
Source: Rashila Ramli. 2000. "Modernisasi Politik: Ke Arah Keseimbangan Gender dalam Penyertaan Politik?” In Abdul
Rahman Embong (ed.), Negara, Pasaran dan Pemodenan Malaysia. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, pp. 198-
213.
There are at least five factors that form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics: subliminal discrimination against women; time
constraints; the notion that “a woman’s place is at home”; natural apathy and
aversion to political involvement and lack of adequate resources.
According to Rashila and Saliha3 there are at least five common factors which form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics. They classify the factors as, social discrimination against women’s roles in the public
domain, time constraints due to career and domestic demands, cultural and religious arguments that a woman’s place is
in the home, structural constraints within each political party that do not allow women to advance beyond a certain
level, and lack of adequate resources in terms of organizational support, personal influence and finance. Contrary to
popular misperceptions, an understanding of Islamic concepts leads one to appreciate the liberating possibilities afforded
by the teachings of the religion. In many cases, religion has empowered and enabled women to reach their full potential
and capabilities just as much as men. The experience of Malay women at the turn of the last century is a case in point.
Muslim Women and ‘Reformasi’
In the past, Malay women have been active in the public sphere. Che Siti Wan Kembang was a female ruler of the state
of Kelantan on the east coast of peninsular Malaysia in the seventeenth century. History tells us that Malay women were
also rulers of the kingdom of Aceh.4 For example, Ratu Shafiuddin, the daughter of Sultan Iskandar Thani, ascended to
the throne after the death of her husband, Sultan Iskandar Muda. In fact, Aceh was ruled by a succession of queens for
the next fifty years. On the islands of Maluku and Sulawesi, there were other Malay women rulers.
A century ago, Muslim reformers like Syed Sheikh Al Hadi, Sheikh Tahir Jalaluddin and their contemporaries in the
progressive Islamic movement - popularly known as the Kaum Muda - spread the idea that Malay Muslim girls should
receive the best of modern education along with the boys.5 Although initially these ideas encountered some opposition
from the more conservative minded, Malay society in general embraced this suggestion with open arms. Thus, even
before independence, Malay Muslim society adopted this liberal attitude towards its women and an open atmosphere
which encouraged education and the role of women in the public sphere. Since then, we have had women in the civil
service and in the corporate sector who have attained senior positions.
Therefore, unlike other societies, there does not appear to be confusion or significant conflict in terms of the roles
played by women in Malaysia. Our society has been fortunate in that we had these visionary scholars and intellectuals
3
who opened up avenues for women more than a century ago. In many cases, Islam has empowered and enabled women
to reach their full potential and capabilities just as much as men. In fact, in Malaysia the most politicized and politically
active group of women has always been the Malay Muslims.6
After independence, the first Malaysian woman to become a minister was Fatimah Haji Hashim, who was appointed
to be Minister for Welfare by the country’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman. Since then, women have tended
to be assigned either to ministries seen as “suitable” to their roles, such as the Ministry of Welfare or the Ministry of
Women and Family Development, or to junior ministries such as Culture, Youth and Sports, now realigned to become
the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts.7
The only woman who has been given a senior ministerial post is Rafidah Aziz who was appointed Minister of
International Trade and Industry in 1987. Even now, the proportion of women ministers or deputies, compared to men,
is very small, and still far behind the developed world.8
There is no quota system in Malaysia to increase women's political representation. At the party level, women are only
beginning to take up important positions. In the ruling party UMNO, there is only one elected woman member out of
the about forty members on its supreme council, while Parti keADILan has eight women elected its leadership council.
Besides the eight women leaders elected to the policymaking body of keADILan (including the president and the
treasurer), two keADILan state committees (in Sabah and Sarawak) are also headed by women.9
However, what is more important is that the dual political and economic crises of September 1998,10 acted as a
catalyst in galvanizing the latent public mood for reform (reformasi). These events also helped sensitize women to take a
more active interest in the country’s social, economic and political domains. This is proven by the active role of women
in the reformasi movement since that year. Women have clearly played at least an equal role with men in activating
programs carried out in the quest for change.
Women played an important and active role in the reform movement,
sensitizing them to become more active in participating in the country’s social,
economic and political issues.
Over the past three years, we can see the continuing role played by women in sustaining the endeavors for a more open,
just, and equitable society. The vigor with which they are carrying out these efforts disproves the often quoted cliché
that women are fickle and easily swayed. The sheer perseverance and tenacity of women in this struggle has in fact
resulted in a very natural bonding or synergy in generating strength and enthusiasm to work towards a fairer and more
just society and government in Malaysia.
As part of this effort, it is necessary to establish an alternative agenda that includes enabling women to maximize their
potential in contributing to their personal well-being and to the development of their society. It is necessary to create an
alternative forum that goes beyond tokenism that does not just use women as an accessory of the political machinery to
bring in the votes during elections. If women are enabled to maximize their potential, they will be able to contribute to
the empowerment of all citizens in society. This can happen without denigrating the social, cultural or religious
obligations that are part of every woman’s life.
While women’s positions in politics are one aspect contributing to development, it is important to remember the role
women play in other sectors of society. Malaysia’s experience has shown that any discussion on the role of women in
politics cannot be confined to only representation in formal institutions. A great number of women, after having pursued
their education to tertiary levels, choose to become homemakers. Although they may not be occupying formal positions
commensurate with their training, they are also contributing to the development of society by bringing up their children
and family in a more enlightened environment.
The common definitions of democracy and politics generally do not lend themselves to a woman-friendly approach.
The linking of ideas of democracy and gender is still an arena that needs to be further explored.
Obstacles Faced by Women in Parliament
The numerous problems facing women who enter politics in Malaysia deters many from political involvement.
Dual Burden
Women themselves are less assertive and often have to shoulder additional burdens, juggling domestic responsibilities
and career concerns thereby making it hard for any but the most determined to succeed. However, a more relaxed
4
attitude is discernable among the younger generation and men now appear to be more willing to see women as partners
in both the domestic and professional spheres. Since political leaders tend to be middle-aged, it will perhaps be some
years before this change is reflected at the highest levels of politics.
Political Parties
The nature of political parties also hinders the political involvement of women. In general, it can perhaps be observed
that the comfortably entrenched parties tend to adhere to more conservative attitudes, failing to see and adapt to the
fairly radical changes taking place in society. It is the more dynamic alternative or opposition parties that have on the
whole given greater opportunity to women. Also, many political parties have few resources to devote to training and
education, including for women, because of the multiple pressures applied by those in authority.
Deterring Environment for Women
It is sad to note that female MPs and women representatives in the various state assemblies still face sexual harassment in
the form of disparaging remarks and offensive jokes made during parliamentary or state assembly sessions. There has
been no effective action taken to ameliorate such abusive practices and both female and male members of parliament
have not been successful in making any concerted effort to change the situation. Another reason keeping women away
from politics is that they often consider it as a male realm, and are often daunted by the hypocrisy and "dirty game" of
politics.
Strategies to Open Access for Women in Politics
Considering the conditions above, it is necessary to explore the strategies that women employ to access the public sphere
in the context of a patriarchal socio-political system. There are women who have been successful in subverting the
boundaries of gender, and in operating in a very aggressive male-dominated sphere. Could other women learn from this
example? It is important to note that many of the women who have been successful come from a background in the
political elite. Their background and class is perhaps the most important factor in their successful inclusion into the
political system. We can, however, examine whether socio-political movements provide opportunities for women to use
certain strategies that might be able to subvert the gender hierarchy in politics.
Certain forms of support within the society are important for the development of women’s role in politics, and there
are already many success stories of this type.
The most important is political awareness. Muslim women who had until recently been relatively invisible in the
public sphere are suddenly filling up meeting halls and organising campaigns for women’s rights, civil rights, human
rights, and for democracy. Prominent among them were women from the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM),
Jemaah Islah Malaysia (JIM) and various civil society NGOs like Tenaganita and Suaram.
The second is education, which provides the core of informed and competent female opinion. Thirdly, there are now
many women holding senior positions in the country’s civil service. This has ensured women’s input in the planning and
implementation of government policy.
Many of the NGOs aligned themselves with keADILan, and by extension, the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif or
BA), which is a coalition of opposition parties -keADILan, PAS, DAP and PRM - in the fiercely contested 1999 general
elections. Hajjah Zainon Jaafar (ABIM), Fuziah Salleh (JIM), Irene Fernandez (Tenaganita) and Zaiton Kasim
(Women’s Candidacy Initiative) were picked to contest on the BA platform. Such alignment between civil society
activists and political parties has come to be regarded as a feature of “new politics” in Malaysia post-1998.
It is also important to remember that we should look beyond the often
asked question of how to increase the numbers of women in parliament, and
move towards presenting examples and experiences of how women can
impact on the political process while working through a parliamentary
structure.
Malaysia, like any other country, needs to have balanced male/female representation in the public sphere, including
politics, so that women can participate in high-level decision-making. Having women at the highest levels of decisionmaking
not only means the articulation of issues generally perceived to be women’s issues, but ensures that the interests
and needs of women, who are half of the population, are given due weight and consideration. Beyond that, the presence
of women at these levels will mean that women’s perspectives will be easier to hear and more highly valued in national
discussions, in the direction of creating a more just, open, fair and equitable society. Without a sufficiently visible, if not
5
proportionate, presence in the political system - i.e. "threshold representation" - a group's ability to influence either
policy-making, or indeed the framing of political culture, is limited.
A Political Credo
On a personal note, I would like to end by mentioning that I never aspired nor dreamed that I would be occupying my
current position, in helping to bring about change in society. Some commentators have mentioned that it is a unique
position, borne out of exceptional circumstances that befell the country when the cataclysmic events of 1998 gave rise to
a public outcry for reform.
The experience in Malaysia has shown that women tend to take a greater interest in politics in times of crisis.
Certainly, Malaysian women have responded strongly to the events surrounding the political persecution of leaders of the
opposition. One of the most gratifying aspects of keADILan’s popularity is that a substantial proportion of its supporters
are women. As daughters, sisters, wives and mothers, they could readily empathize with the victims of abuses. As an
“accidental” politician, I share the view that the struggle for justice must be continued even outside the sanctioned
perimeters of elections held once every five years.
The cause of justice must be fought for vigorously at all times so as to create ultimately a government and society that
is not only just but that provides dignity to the people. Although my journey into politics was not a deliberate and
concerted plan, everyone has the right to use the arena of electoral politics to promote their cause. My cause is justice,
especially for women, and for the disenfranchised and other marginalized groups in society. I sincerely believe in what
the great sages have said throughout history, that the journey of a thousand miles starts with the first step. A Chinese
proverb has it that a mountain is made up of many pebbles and that the ocean consists of millions of drops of water. In
short, whatever the adversities and obstacles placed in our paths, Malaysia’s women will answer with the universal chorus
of common humanity: we shall overcome.
Endnotes
1. The states are Perlis, Kedah, Pulau Pinang, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Johor, Pahang, Terengganu
and Kelantan.
2. 61 percent are indigenous Malay (bumiputra), i.e. 50 percent Malays on peninsular Malaysia who are Muslims while
the other 11 percent are Malays from Sabah and Sarawak, of whom some are Muslim but many are Christians and
animist. Thirty percent are Chinese, nine percent are Indians and other mainly non-Muslim.
3. Rashila Ramli and Saliha Hassan. 1998. "Trends and Forms of Women's Participation in Politics." In Sharifah
Zaleha Syed Hassan (ed.), Malaysian Women In The Wake Of Change. Kuala Lumpur: Gender Studies Programme,
Universiti Malaya. Pp. 88-104.
4. Aceh is now part of Indonesia, on the island of Sumatra, but was a powerful Malay state before the colonial period.
5. These men were notable religious scholars and modernist intellectuals who had received their education at the
prestigious Al-Azhar University in Cairo. While they were in Cairo, they came into contact with the reformist and
universalist ideas of, among others, Muhammed Abduh, Rashid Ridha and Jamaluddin al-Afghani.
6. In the period leading to national independence in 1957 these included Shamsiah Fakeh who led the Angkatan
Wanita Sedar (AWAS) towards the end of the Japanese Occupation until it was proscribed by the British in 1948,
and others in UMNO’s women’s wing such as Khatijah Sidek, Ibu Zain, Aishah Ghani and Fatimah Hj Hashim.
Fatimah was the first woman minister in independent Malaya.
7. The ministers are: Welfare - Fatimah Hj. Hashim, Aishah Ghani, Napsiah Omar (Deputy Minister); Ministry of
Women and Family Development - Shahrizat Jalil; Culture, Youth and Sports - Rosemary Chong – Deputy
Minister, which has now realigned to become the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts - Ng Yen Yen – Deputy
Minister.
8. It also appears that the women appointed to executive positions in the government are seen as having been rewarded
for securing the support of women voters. In other words, the appointment of some women is not seen as based on
their personal qualities or professional capabilities.
9. Dato’ Hafsah Harun (a former State Minister) and Datin Saidatul Badru (the daughter of a former Chief Minister and Governor) are the leaders for keADILan in Sarawak and Sabah respectively.
10. This includes Anwar Ibrahim’s abrupt dismissal from his position as deputy minister, and his physical assault two
weeks later by the Inspector General of Police, while he was blindfolded and had his hands handcuffed behind his
back.
http://www.idea.int/publications/wip/upload/CS_Malaysia_Azizah.pdf
Sunday, February 24, 2008
TUN ABDUL RAHMAN YAAKUB
Tun Abdul Rahman Yaakub
013 8030 128
Melalui: Kadrin Jili (Setiausaha Tun Rahman) 012 8982 957
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Melalui: Kadrin Jili (Setiausaha Tun Rahman) 012 8982 957
WATSON NYAMBEK
WHY NYAMBEK QUITS THE FASTLINE
Most people pointed a finger at indiscipline when Watson Nyambek retired prematurely from the track but was that really the reason why he hung up his spikes instead of pursuing his dream of becoming one of the world’s fastest men?
While on the threshold of surpassing Asia’s best with his precocious talent, having achieved a creditable personal best of 10.25s in the 100M, why did Watson – once dubbed the Flying Dayak – turn his back on sprinting that had made him the rage of Malaysian athletics?
Why didn’t he go for overseas training - to the US, or especially to England where he could have benefited from the tutelage of Olympic sprint champion, Lindford Christie, while he was still at his peak, instead of opting to train at home where top sprint coaches were and are still in short supply?
At 31 now, Watson has probably run out of time to become a world class sprinter but clocking sub-11 seconds in the 100M is still within his reach … and he knows it … provided he works hard.
But alas, while the urge is still there, he cannot find the inner strength or the will to give it one more go. Why?
In a quickchat with him, thesundaypost - apart from finding out what he is doing now and talking about his brief but glorious past – also posed this question: Is he still game for one last hurrah at a local meet such as the Sarawak AAA Open?
His record of 10.30 seconds in the century sprint remains intact so far but Watson has no regrets about putting up his feet … only bitterness for the sports he once loved.
In this interview, he frankly admitted that he quit top-flight sprinting because he wanted to “exorcise the demons” of his premature retirement from the sport.
Q: Many people are asking where are you now. They want to know what has happened to their hero?
A: I am now employed by the Sarawak State Sports Council as chief coach for the Sprint Project.
I have an IAAF coaching certificate from a course under Malaysian Amateur Athletics Union (MAAU) coaches Hanapiah Nasir and Amparasu who conducted it in Sarikei in February.
There are several centres under this project throughout Sarawak – in Kuching, Sri Aman, Sarikei and Miri. I am involved with the Kuching centre where there are a handful of selected athletes training everyday.
Q: What is your target? Also, what do you emphasise in your training?
A: My emphasis is on power, strength and speed - the main requirements of sprint training. For power and strength, gym training is the answer while for speed or endurance, dashes over 50M, 80M or 120M at variable repetitions are the key. I do a lot of drills or exercises for strength and flexibility.
But one thing is very important as I have discovered and it is mental power.
As such, I stress the mental aspect of training a lot because success or failure in competitions also depends on how strong you are mentally.
As a coach, my ambition is to produce Watsons and more Watsons … and I don’t like the title of Flying Dayak.
Q: Why? The title was also given to other Iban sprinters like Terence Janting who was dubbed the “Flying Sea Dayak” by the British press in the 1960s and became a local sprint legend because of that?
A: It’s just a personal opinion but I don’t like the racial connotation – it’s like racial segregation.
Q: Do you think the Sprint Project can produce champions like yourself and what does it take to be a champion? Is a talent like you born or a product of proper grooming? Take the case of Boniface Lejau, the Miri runner many thought could be your successor. Why couldn’t he find success like you?
A: I agree top sprinters are natural talents. They are born with that special gift but they must also tap their potential with proper training. We had Terence Janting in the 1960s and Kom
Tinggang who I learn is another talented sprinter who came 10 years later in the 1970s. I myself arrived 20 years later.
It seems to follow a 10 or 20-year pattern but I feel there are a few potential champions I am working with in the Sprint Project.
There is one athlete, Ambrose Jilon, who is only 15 but has a best time of 10.8 seconds (hand-timed) in the 100M.
He won the MSSM 200M but in the 100M of the same meet, was not even among the top three.
It all boils down to mental strength which is what I am emphasising with the benefit of hindsight.
So I encourage Ambrose to cultivate a strong mental attitude. With that, he can do it – that is he can beat the others in the 100M because he has the talent.
Apart from Ambrose, another sprinter who can go far is Muzzakhir but he is more suited to the 200M which is his target.
Q: Who is your idol, and who were the world class sprinters you had raced against?
A: My idol is Ben Johnson even though he was disgraced … but my style is similar to his. Like his, my starts are very good.
During my time, I had raced against South Africa’s Olympic medallist Frankie Fredericks, Commonwealth Games 100M gold medallist Otto Boldon of Trinidad and Tobago and Lindford Christie of Great Britain.
Christie was special. I once dreamed of training under him - I prefer his training style to the US style.
Also, I had raced against the Japanese sprinters (the best in Asian) in the World Indoor Meets and the Asian Track and Field Championships.
Q: Do you like your present job of training people to be like you, and do you crave to be in the thick of the action again … to have another go perhaps at the local meets. Of course, you must trim down and regain your peak form to run again?
A: I love the job as I like to be back on the track again, and sometime, I do feel like running again but it’s just a fancy. I was not a wash-out when I retired even though I got defeated by runners like Reanchai of Thailand who beat me to the Sea Games gold.
In fact, I had beaten Reanchai, Wattanasin and all the famous Thai speed merchants when I competed in the Thai Open which I didn’t miss for several years … I had beaten them all.
I declined in my later years while still competing but it certainly was not due to Mumtaz Jaafar that my form dropped. It wasn’t even a case of a female coach being unable to coach but that I did not have a chance to go for overseas training and exposure.
I had proven I was better than my once archrival Azmi (Ibrahim) but he was given the opportunity to go to the US on an Olympic scholarships which I believed I should also be entitled to since I was better than he and had beaten him soundly in the 1996 Pahang Sukma with a record time of 10.38 seconds.
I recognise that overseas training under specialised coaches is a primary requirement for a local athlete to go up another level … to be world class … as I had broken the 100M record four times under the supervision of top class Canadian coach Daniel St Hilaire.
Under him, I had even done a wind- assisted 10.25 seconds during the heats of the Asian Games in Bangkok even though I could only manage 10.32 seconds to finish fourth in the final, won by Japan’s sub-10 seconds runner, Ito.
Reanchai was second and third ahead of me was another Japanese runner.
Q: So why did you give up and come back to Sarawak and never had the heart to run again?
A: Did you know I was on my way to fulfilling my dream of going to London and training under the great Lindford Christie when I received a call from the MAAU, telling me to come back.
It was after I ran in the 1996 Atlanta Olympics - I was awarded an OCI scholarship in 1997, being the undisputed top sprinter in Malaysia then.
In other words, I could not go even after all the agreement had been sealed and signed. I was literally stopped in my track and never recovered from the shock.
Remember my national record of 10.30 seconds still stands. Nobody can touch it since - not even Nazmizan Mohd, the present national sprint champion.
So, it was politics that killed my career. I do not want even to compete in local meets … for my own experience tells me that sports is reeked with politics.
There is too much pressure if I return to competition as I will directly come under the national spotlight again.
After the second Olympics I competed in Sydney, I started going down, and I returned home to Sarawak because I wanted to forget the episode and besides, training at that time was extra pressure on me.
Q: Was there any reason given or known to you why your plan to train under Christie was scuttled at the last moment?
A: I was told to cancel my flight … and there was no reason given. Maybe it was felt that Azmi was better than I but on hindsight I now know it’s politics but I didn’t understand it then.
Borneo Post, Julai 8 2007
http://www.theborneopost.com/?p=21149
Most people pointed a finger at indiscipline when Watson Nyambek retired prematurely from the track but was that really the reason why he hung up his spikes instead of pursuing his dream of becoming one of the world’s fastest men?
While on the threshold of surpassing Asia’s best with his precocious talent, having achieved a creditable personal best of 10.25s in the 100M, why did Watson – once dubbed the Flying Dayak – turn his back on sprinting that had made him the rage of Malaysian athletics?
Why didn’t he go for overseas training - to the US, or especially to England where he could have benefited from the tutelage of Olympic sprint champion, Lindford Christie, while he was still at his peak, instead of opting to train at home where top sprint coaches were and are still in short supply?
At 31 now, Watson has probably run out of time to become a world class sprinter but clocking sub-11 seconds in the 100M is still within his reach … and he knows it … provided he works hard.
But alas, while the urge is still there, he cannot find the inner strength or the will to give it one more go. Why?
In a quickchat with him, thesundaypost - apart from finding out what he is doing now and talking about his brief but glorious past – also posed this question: Is he still game for one last hurrah at a local meet such as the Sarawak AAA Open?
His record of 10.30 seconds in the century sprint remains intact so far but Watson has no regrets about putting up his feet … only bitterness for the sports he once loved.
In this interview, he frankly admitted that he quit top-flight sprinting because he wanted to “exorcise the demons” of his premature retirement from the sport.
Q: Many people are asking where are you now. They want to know what has happened to their hero?
A: I am now employed by the Sarawak State Sports Council as chief coach for the Sprint Project.
I have an IAAF coaching certificate from a course under Malaysian Amateur Athletics Union (MAAU) coaches Hanapiah Nasir and Amparasu who conducted it in Sarikei in February.
There are several centres under this project throughout Sarawak – in Kuching, Sri Aman, Sarikei and Miri. I am involved with the Kuching centre where there are a handful of selected athletes training everyday.
Q: What is your target? Also, what do you emphasise in your training?
A: My emphasis is on power, strength and speed - the main requirements of sprint training. For power and strength, gym training is the answer while for speed or endurance, dashes over 50M, 80M or 120M at variable repetitions are the key. I do a lot of drills or exercises for strength and flexibility.
But one thing is very important as I have discovered and it is mental power.
As such, I stress the mental aspect of training a lot because success or failure in competitions also depends on how strong you are mentally.
As a coach, my ambition is to produce Watsons and more Watsons … and I don’t like the title of Flying Dayak.
Q: Why? The title was also given to other Iban sprinters like Terence Janting who was dubbed the “Flying Sea Dayak” by the British press in the 1960s and became a local sprint legend because of that?
A: It’s just a personal opinion but I don’t like the racial connotation – it’s like racial segregation.
Q: Do you think the Sprint Project can produce champions like yourself and what does it take to be a champion? Is a talent like you born or a product of proper grooming? Take the case of Boniface Lejau, the Miri runner many thought could be your successor. Why couldn’t he find success like you?
A: I agree top sprinters are natural talents. They are born with that special gift but they must also tap their potential with proper training. We had Terence Janting in the 1960s and Kom
Tinggang who I learn is another talented sprinter who came 10 years later in the 1970s. I myself arrived 20 years later.
It seems to follow a 10 or 20-year pattern but I feel there are a few potential champions I am working with in the Sprint Project.
There is one athlete, Ambrose Jilon, who is only 15 but has a best time of 10.8 seconds (hand-timed) in the 100M.
He won the MSSM 200M but in the 100M of the same meet, was not even among the top three.
It all boils down to mental strength which is what I am emphasising with the benefit of hindsight.
So I encourage Ambrose to cultivate a strong mental attitude. With that, he can do it – that is he can beat the others in the 100M because he has the talent.
Apart from Ambrose, another sprinter who can go far is Muzzakhir but he is more suited to the 200M which is his target.
Q: Who is your idol, and who were the world class sprinters you had raced against?
A: My idol is Ben Johnson even though he was disgraced … but my style is similar to his. Like his, my starts are very good.
During my time, I had raced against South Africa’s Olympic medallist Frankie Fredericks, Commonwealth Games 100M gold medallist Otto Boldon of Trinidad and Tobago and Lindford Christie of Great Britain.
Christie was special. I once dreamed of training under him - I prefer his training style to the US style.
Also, I had raced against the Japanese sprinters (the best in Asian) in the World Indoor Meets and the Asian Track and Field Championships.
Q: Do you like your present job of training people to be like you, and do you crave to be in the thick of the action again … to have another go perhaps at the local meets. Of course, you must trim down and regain your peak form to run again?
A: I love the job as I like to be back on the track again, and sometime, I do feel like running again but it’s just a fancy. I was not a wash-out when I retired even though I got defeated by runners like Reanchai of Thailand who beat me to the Sea Games gold.
In fact, I had beaten Reanchai, Wattanasin and all the famous Thai speed merchants when I competed in the Thai Open which I didn’t miss for several years … I had beaten them all.
I declined in my later years while still competing but it certainly was not due to Mumtaz Jaafar that my form dropped. It wasn’t even a case of a female coach being unable to coach but that I did not have a chance to go for overseas training and exposure.
I had proven I was better than my once archrival Azmi (Ibrahim) but he was given the opportunity to go to the US on an Olympic scholarships which I believed I should also be entitled to since I was better than he and had beaten him soundly in the 1996 Pahang Sukma with a record time of 10.38 seconds.
I recognise that overseas training under specialised coaches is a primary requirement for a local athlete to go up another level … to be world class … as I had broken the 100M record four times under the supervision of top class Canadian coach Daniel St Hilaire.
Under him, I had even done a wind- assisted 10.25 seconds during the heats of the Asian Games in Bangkok even though I could only manage 10.32 seconds to finish fourth in the final, won by Japan’s sub-10 seconds runner, Ito.
Reanchai was second and third ahead of me was another Japanese runner.
Q: So why did you give up and come back to Sarawak and never had the heart to run again?
A: Did you know I was on my way to fulfilling my dream of going to London and training under the great Lindford Christie when I received a call from the MAAU, telling me to come back.
It was after I ran in the 1996 Atlanta Olympics - I was awarded an OCI scholarship in 1997, being the undisputed top sprinter in Malaysia then.
In other words, I could not go even after all the agreement had been sealed and signed. I was literally stopped in my track and never recovered from the shock.
Remember my national record of 10.30 seconds still stands. Nobody can touch it since - not even Nazmizan Mohd, the present national sprint champion.
So, it was politics that killed my career. I do not want even to compete in local meets … for my own experience tells me that sports is reeked with politics.
There is too much pressure if I return to competition as I will directly come under the national spotlight again.
After the second Olympics I competed in Sydney, I started going down, and I returned home to Sarawak because I wanted to forget the episode and besides, training at that time was extra pressure on me.
Q: Was there any reason given or known to you why your plan to train under Christie was scuttled at the last moment?
A: I was told to cancel my flight … and there was no reason given. Maybe it was felt that Azmi was better than I but on hindsight I now know it’s politics but I didn’t understand it then.
Borneo Post, Julai 8 2007
http://www.theborneopost.com/?p=21149
SENARAI KAWASAN DAN CALON DI KELANTAN
BUTIRAN KAWASAN DAN CALON DI KELANTAN
Parlimen - 14,
Negeri - 43
Kaum Pengundi:
M= Melayu,
C=Cina,
I=India,
L=Lain-lain
KAWASAN PARLIMEN
P19 - TUMPAT (48,419)
(M: 90% C: 2.5% I: 5.6% L: 0.9%)
1. Noor Zahidi Omar (BN)
2. Datuk Kamaruddin Jaffar (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang : Wan Jamil Wan Mahmood (Pas)
P20 - PENGKALAN CHEPA (42,809)
(M: 97% C: 2.6% I: 0.2% L: 0.02%)
1. Mohd. Nor Deris (BN)
2. Mohamed Amar Abdullah (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang : Mohamed Amar Abdullah (Pas)
P21 - KOTA BHARU (63,010)
(M: 78% C: 19% I: 1.9% L: 1.1%)
1. Ilani Datuk Isahak (BN)
2. Ramli Ibrahim (Keadilan)
3. Mohd. Din Nizam Din (Berjasa)
Majoriti:
Penyandang : Ilani Datuk Isahak (BN)
P22 - PASIR MAS (51,158)
(M: 94% C: 5.2% I: 0.6% L: 0.2%)
1. Datuk Paduka Ibrahim Ali (BN)
2. Ismail Noh (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Zainuddin Mohamad Noor (BN)
P23 - RANTAU PANJANG (44,191)
(M: 97% C: 2% I: 0.8% L: 0.2%)
1. Wan Mohd Fuaad Wan Abdullah (BN)
2. Abdul Fatah Harun (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Sanusi Daing Mariok (Pas)
P24 - KUBANG KERIAN (45,897)
(M: 98% C: 1.6% I: 0.3% L: 0.1%)
1. Siti Zaleha Hussin (BN)
2. Husam Musa (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Mohamad Sabu (Pas)
P25 - BACHOK (51,363)
(M: 98% C: 1.6% I: 0.3% L: 0.1%)
1. Dr. Azaki Ishak (BN)
2. Wan Nik Wan Yusoff (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Buniyamin Yaakob (Pas)
P26 - PERINGAT (45,310)
(M: 96% C: 2.9% I: 0.9% L: 0.2%)
1. Datuk Annuar Musa (BN)
2. Mohamad Mustafaa (Keadilan)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Datuk Annuar Musa (BN)
P27 - TANAH MERAH (42,824)
(M: 92.4% C: 5.7% I: 1.8% L: 0.1%)
1. Datuk Hashim Safin (BN)
2. Saupi Daud (Keadilan)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Ibrahim Pateh Mohamed (BN)
P28 - PASIR PUTEH (56,773)
(M: 97.1% C: 2% I: 0.8% L: 0.1%)
1. Kamarudin Md. Nor (BN)
2. Alwi Jusoh (Pas)
3. Hasim Othman (AKIM)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Mohamed Abdullah (BN)
P29 - MACHANG (43,200)
(M: 94.3% C: 5.2% I: 0.4% L: 0.1%)
1. Datuk Sukri Mohamed (BN)
2. Mohd. Yusoff @ Yusof Mohd. Nor (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Datuk Sukri Mohamed (BN)
P30 - JELI (38,023)
(M: 99% C: 0.5% I:0.4% L: 0.1%)
1. Datuk Mustapa Mohamed (BN)
2. Mohd Apandi Mohamad (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Datuk Mustapa Mohamed (BN)
P31 - KUALA KRAI (38,887)
(M: 90.3% C: 7.2% I: 2.5% L: 0%)
1. Dr. Nik Hussain Nik Abdul Rahman (BN)
2. Mohamed Nasir Che Daud (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Ibrahim Mahmood (Pas)
P32 - GUA MUSANG (29,890)
(M: 90.6% C: 7.9% I: 1.4% L: 0.1%)
1. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (BN)
2. Abdul Razak Abas (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (BN)
KAWASAN DEWAN UNDANGAN NEGERI
N1 - PENGKALAN KUBOR (16,539)
(M: 90% C: 1.5% I: 7.8% L: 0.7%)
1. Mat Nawawi Mat Jusoh (BN)
2. Wan Husain Wan Ahmad (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Mat Nawawi Mat Jusoh (BN)
N2 - KELABORAN (16,428)
(M: 85% C: 5.6% I: 8.7% L: 0.3%)
1. Mansor Salleh (BN)
2. Noordin Yaakub (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Noordin Yaakub (Pas)
N3 - PASIR PEKAN (15,452)
(M: 99% C: 0.1% I: 0.2% L: 0.7%)
1. Mohamad Sulaiman (BN)
2. Ahmad Yakob (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Ahmad Yakob (Pas)
N4 - KIJANG (13,408)(M: 94.7% C: 5.2% I: 0.1% L: 0%)1. Dr. Nik Mohd. Zain Omar (BN)2. Ab. Halim Ab. Rahman (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ab. Halim Ab. Rahman (Pas)
N5 - CHEMPAKA (15,080)(M: 98% C: 1.6% I: 0.4% L: 0%)1. Ropli Ishak (BN)2. Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat (Pas)
N6 - PANCHOR (14,321)(M: 97% C: 1.9% I: 0.7% L: 0.4%)1. Datuk Mohd Ariffin Abdul Hamid (BN)2. Mohd. Yusoff Ludin (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd. Yusoff Ludin (Pas)
N7 - TANJONG MAS (20,187)(M: 94% C: 5.1% I: 0.7% L: 0.2%)1. Mohd Zamri Ramli (BN)2. Abdul Rahim Wan Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Abdul Rahim Wan Abdullah (Pas)
N8 - KOTA LAMA (24,495)(M: 58.2% C: 39.2% I: 2.3% L: 0.3%)1. Leong Su Siang (BN)2. Anuar Tan Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Leong Su Siang (BN)
N9 - BUNUT PAYONG (18,328)(M: 89.2% C: 8.8% I: 1.7% L: 0.3%)1. Datuk Ahmad RastomDatuk Ahmad Maher (BN)2. Takiyuddin Hassan (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang : Datuk Halim Mohamed (Pas)
N10 - WAKAF BHARU (18,348)(M: 91.3% C: 7.4% I: 1.2% L: 0.1%)1. Ramzi Ab. Rahman (BN)2. Ramli Abu Bakar (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ramli Abu Bakar (Pas)
N11 - TENDONG (15,298)(M: 96% C: 3.3% I: 0.5% L: 0.2%)1. Zainuddin Mohd Nor (BN)2. Wan Othman Wan Yusof (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hussin Ahmad (BN)
N12 - PENGKALAN PASIR (17,512)(M: 94.3% C: 4.9% I: 0.7% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Abdul Rahim Abdul Rahman (BN)2. Hassan Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hassan Abdullah (Pas)
N13 - MERANTI (12,520)(M: 98.5% C: 0.5% I: 0.8% L: 0.2%)1. Zaid Fadzil (BN)2. Mohd. Nassuruddin Daud (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd. Nassuruddin Daud (Pas)
N14 - GUAL PERIOK (17,204)(M: 96.7% C: 2.3% I: 0.8% L: 0.2%)1. Nik Mustapha Nik Loding (BN)2. Abdullah Ab. Razak (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang : Nik Mustapha Nik Loding (BN)
N15 - BUKIT TUKU (14,467)(M: 95.8% C: 2.9% I: 1.2% L: 0.1%)1. Mohd Zin Ismail (BN)2. Mohd Yusuf Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd Yusuf Abdullah (Pas)
N16 - SALOR (14,736)(M: 98% C: 1.9% I: 0.1% L: 0%)1. Datuk Ahmad Rusli Ibrahim (BN)2. Buni Amin Hamzah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Ahmad Rusli Ibrahim (BN)
N17 - PASIR TUMBUH (13,042)(M: 99% C: 0.8% I: 0.1% L: 0.1%)1. Tuan Hashim Tuan Yaacob (BN)2. Ahmad Baihaki Atiqullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: (Kosong ekoran kematian Daud Jusoh pada 3/9/99)
N18 - KENALI (18,119)(M: 97.5% C:1.9% I: 0.4% L: 0.2%)1. Mohd Fauzi Ismail (BN)2. Mohamed Daud (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohamed Daud (Pas)
N19 - TAWANG (16,287)(M: 99% C: 0.9% I: 0.1% L: 0%)1. Mohd. Zin Yasin (BN)2. Hasan Mohamood (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hassan Mohamood (Pas)
N20 - PERUPOK (16,553)(M: 96.6% C: 2.4% I: 0.7% L: 0.3%)1. Makhtar Mohamed (BN)2. Omar Mohammed (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Omar Mohammed (Pas)
N21 - JELAWAT (18,523)(M: 98% C: 1.5% I: 0.3% L: 0.2%)1. Datuk Ahmad Shahibuddin Mohd Noor (BN)2. Shaary Awang (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: (Kosong ekoran kematian Mohd. Daud Ja'afar pada 24/2/99)
N22 - MELOR (15,176)(M: 96% C: 2.7% I: 1.2% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Zainal Abidin Abd. Kadir (BN)2. Wan Ismail Wan Jusoh (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Zainal Abidin Abd. Kadir (BN)
N23 - KADOK (13,506)(M: 97.6% C:1.9% I:0.4% L: 0.1%)1. Mat Riffin Said (BN)2. Shamsuddin @ Mohamed Shukri Ab Rahman (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Shamsudin @ Mohamed Shukri Ab. Rahman (Pas)
N24 - KETEREH (16,628)(M: 95% C: 4.2% I: 0.7% L: 0.1%)1. Md. Alwi Che Ahmad (BN)2. Md. Ashari Mamat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ariffin Mahmood (BN)
N25 - CHETOK (13,404)(M: 95% C: 3.8% I: 1.2% L: 0%)1. Che Kamarulzaman Zain (BN)2. Hanafi Daud (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hanafi Daud (Pas)
N26 - BUKIT PANAU (17,086)(M: 89.2% C: 9.2% I: 1.4% L: 0.2%)1. Muhamat Sulaiman (BN)2. Mat Yusoff Mat Sah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mat Yusoff Mat Sah (Pas)
N27 - GUAL IPOH (12,334)(M: 93.2% C: 2.8% I: 3.9% L: 0.1%)1. Tengku Alang Tengku Sulong (BN)2. Mohd. Kamil Haron (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Tengku Alang Tengku Sulong (BN)
N28 - SELISING (14,700)(M: 98.3% C: 1.2% I: 0.4% L: 0.1%)1. Abdul Rahman Yasin (BN)2. Saipul Bahri Mohamad (Pas).Majoriti:Penyandang: Che Bisi Hassan (Pas)
N29 - LIMBONGAN (16,298)(M: 95% C: 4.3% I: 0.6% L: 0.1%)1. Samat Mamat (BN)2. Zainuddin Hamat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Samat Mamat (BN)
N30 - SEMERAK (13,404)(M: 97% C: 1.4% I: 1.5% L: 0.1%)1. Mohammed Jelani Jaafar (BN)2. Hussin Awang (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Kamarudin Md. Nor (BN)
N31 - GAAL (12,371)(M: 98.5% C: 0.8% I: 0.6% L: 0.1%)1. Ab. Rahman Yaacob (BN)2. Dr. Nik Mazian Nik Mohamed (Pas)3. Mohd. Asri Mejah (AKIM)Majoriti:Penyandang: Alwi Jusoh (Pas)
N32 - PULAI CHONDONG (14,027)(M: 94.7% C: 4.5% I: 0.8% L: 0%)1. Mohd. Rifin Mamat (BN)2. Zulkifli Mamat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Zulkifli Mamat (Pas)
N33 - BANGGOL JUDAH (14,636)(M: 94% C: 5.7% I: 0.3% L: 0%)1. Datuk Muhammad Hamzah (BN)2. Zakaria Yaacob (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Yahya Saman @ Othman (Pas)
N34 - KEMUNING (14,537)(M: 94.2% C: 4.9% I: 0.9% L: 0%)1. Ismail Mamat (BN)2. Hassan Muhamad (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hassan Muhamad (Pas)
N35 - KEMAHANG (14,746)(M: 98.4% C: 0.8% I: 0.7% L: 0.1%)1. Mohd. Adhan Kechik (BN)2. Md. Anizam Ab Rahman (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd. Adhan Kechik (BN)
N36 - AIR LANAS (13,069)(M: 99.4% C: 0.4% I: 0.1% L: 0.1%)1. Zianon Abdin Ali (BN)2. Abdullah Ya'kub (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Abdullah Ya'kub (Pas)
N37 - PERGAU (10,208)(M: 98.5% C: 1% I: 0.5% L: 0%)1. Abdul Aziz Derashid (BN)2. Mamat Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Abdul Aziz Derashid (BN)
N38 - GUCHIL (13,273)(M: 77% C: 17.6% I: 5.3% L: 0.1%)1. Md. Razali Che Mamat (BN)2. Zulkaifli Yacob (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Md. Razali Che Mamat (BN)
N39 - MENGKEBANG (14,359)(M: 95.3% C: 2.7% I: 1.9% L: 0.1%)1. Mek Som Mohamed (BN)2. Ibrahim Mahmood (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mek Som Mohamed (BN)
N40 - MANEK URAI (11,255)(M: 99% C: 0.7% I: 0.2% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Wan Zaid Wan Abdullah (BN)2. Ismail Yaacob (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ismail Yaacob (Pas)
N41 - DABONG (7,680)(M: 98.5% C: 0.3% I: 1.1% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Mohamad Rozali Isohak (BN)2. Rapar @ Abdul Ghafar Yusoff (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Mohamad Rozali Isohak (BN)
N42 - PALOH (10,119)(M: 99.5% C: 0.3% I: 0.2% L: 0.%)1. Nozula Mat Diah (BN)2. Nik Abdul Aziz Hassan (Keadilan)Majoriti:Penyandang: Nozula Mat Diah (BN)
N43 - GALAS (12,091)(M: 78% C: 219.3% I: 2.6% L: 0.1%)1. Mohamad Saufi Deraman (BN)2. Zulkifli Mohamed (Keadilan)Majoriti:Penyandang: Omar Mohamed (BN)
Parlimen - 14,
Negeri - 43
Kaum Pengundi:
M= Melayu,
C=Cina,
I=India,
L=Lain-lain
KAWASAN PARLIMEN
P19 - TUMPAT (48,419)
(M: 90% C: 2.5% I: 5.6% L: 0.9%)
1. Noor Zahidi Omar (BN)
2. Datuk Kamaruddin Jaffar (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang : Wan Jamil Wan Mahmood (Pas)
P20 - PENGKALAN CHEPA (42,809)
(M: 97% C: 2.6% I: 0.2% L: 0.02%)
1. Mohd. Nor Deris (BN)
2. Mohamed Amar Abdullah (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang : Mohamed Amar Abdullah (Pas)
P21 - KOTA BHARU (63,010)
(M: 78% C: 19% I: 1.9% L: 1.1%)
1. Ilani Datuk Isahak (BN)
2. Ramli Ibrahim (Keadilan)
3. Mohd. Din Nizam Din (Berjasa)
Majoriti:
Penyandang : Ilani Datuk Isahak (BN)
P22 - PASIR MAS (51,158)
(M: 94% C: 5.2% I: 0.6% L: 0.2%)
1. Datuk Paduka Ibrahim Ali (BN)
2. Ismail Noh (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Zainuddin Mohamad Noor (BN)
P23 - RANTAU PANJANG (44,191)
(M: 97% C: 2% I: 0.8% L: 0.2%)
1. Wan Mohd Fuaad Wan Abdullah (BN)
2. Abdul Fatah Harun (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Sanusi Daing Mariok (Pas)
P24 - KUBANG KERIAN (45,897)
(M: 98% C: 1.6% I: 0.3% L: 0.1%)
1. Siti Zaleha Hussin (BN)
2. Husam Musa (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Mohamad Sabu (Pas)
P25 - BACHOK (51,363)
(M: 98% C: 1.6% I: 0.3% L: 0.1%)
1. Dr. Azaki Ishak (BN)
2. Wan Nik Wan Yusoff (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Buniyamin Yaakob (Pas)
P26 - PERINGAT (45,310)
(M: 96% C: 2.9% I: 0.9% L: 0.2%)
1. Datuk Annuar Musa (BN)
2. Mohamad Mustafaa (Keadilan)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Datuk Annuar Musa (BN)
P27 - TANAH MERAH (42,824)
(M: 92.4% C: 5.7% I: 1.8% L: 0.1%)
1. Datuk Hashim Safin (BN)
2. Saupi Daud (Keadilan)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Ibrahim Pateh Mohamed (BN)
P28 - PASIR PUTEH (56,773)
(M: 97.1% C: 2% I: 0.8% L: 0.1%)
1. Kamarudin Md. Nor (BN)
2. Alwi Jusoh (Pas)
3. Hasim Othman (AKIM)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Mohamed Abdullah (BN)
P29 - MACHANG (43,200)
(M: 94.3% C: 5.2% I: 0.4% L: 0.1%)
1. Datuk Sukri Mohamed (BN)
2. Mohd. Yusoff @ Yusof Mohd. Nor (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Datuk Sukri Mohamed (BN)
P30 - JELI (38,023)
(M: 99% C: 0.5% I:0.4% L: 0.1%)
1. Datuk Mustapa Mohamed (BN)
2. Mohd Apandi Mohamad (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Datuk Mustapa Mohamed (BN)
P31 - KUALA KRAI (38,887)
(M: 90.3% C: 7.2% I: 2.5% L: 0%)
1. Dr. Nik Hussain Nik Abdul Rahman (BN)
2. Mohamed Nasir Che Daud (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Ibrahim Mahmood (Pas)
P32 - GUA MUSANG (29,890)
(M: 90.6% C: 7.9% I: 1.4% L: 0.1%)
1. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (BN)
2. Abdul Razak Abas (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (BN)
KAWASAN DEWAN UNDANGAN NEGERI
N1 - PENGKALAN KUBOR (16,539)
(M: 90% C: 1.5% I: 7.8% L: 0.7%)
1. Mat Nawawi Mat Jusoh (BN)
2. Wan Husain Wan Ahmad (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Mat Nawawi Mat Jusoh (BN)
N2 - KELABORAN (16,428)
(M: 85% C: 5.6% I: 8.7% L: 0.3%)
1. Mansor Salleh (BN)
2. Noordin Yaakub (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Noordin Yaakub (Pas)
N3 - PASIR PEKAN (15,452)
(M: 99% C: 0.1% I: 0.2% L: 0.7%)
1. Mohamad Sulaiman (BN)
2. Ahmad Yakob (Pas)
Majoriti:
Penyandang: Ahmad Yakob (Pas)
N4 - KIJANG (13,408)(M: 94.7% C: 5.2% I: 0.1% L: 0%)1. Dr. Nik Mohd. Zain Omar (BN)2. Ab. Halim Ab. Rahman (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ab. Halim Ab. Rahman (Pas)
N5 - CHEMPAKA (15,080)(M: 98% C: 1.6% I: 0.4% L: 0%)1. Ropli Ishak (BN)2. Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat (Pas)
N6 - PANCHOR (14,321)(M: 97% C: 1.9% I: 0.7% L: 0.4%)1. Datuk Mohd Ariffin Abdul Hamid (BN)2. Mohd. Yusoff Ludin (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd. Yusoff Ludin (Pas)
N7 - TANJONG MAS (20,187)(M: 94% C: 5.1% I: 0.7% L: 0.2%)1. Mohd Zamri Ramli (BN)2. Abdul Rahim Wan Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Abdul Rahim Wan Abdullah (Pas)
N8 - KOTA LAMA (24,495)(M: 58.2% C: 39.2% I: 2.3% L: 0.3%)1. Leong Su Siang (BN)2. Anuar Tan Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Leong Su Siang (BN)
N9 - BUNUT PAYONG (18,328)(M: 89.2% C: 8.8% I: 1.7% L: 0.3%)1. Datuk Ahmad RastomDatuk Ahmad Maher (BN)2. Takiyuddin Hassan (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang : Datuk Halim Mohamed (Pas)
N10 - WAKAF BHARU (18,348)(M: 91.3% C: 7.4% I: 1.2% L: 0.1%)1. Ramzi Ab. Rahman (BN)2. Ramli Abu Bakar (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ramli Abu Bakar (Pas)
N11 - TENDONG (15,298)(M: 96% C: 3.3% I: 0.5% L: 0.2%)1. Zainuddin Mohd Nor (BN)2. Wan Othman Wan Yusof (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hussin Ahmad (BN)
N12 - PENGKALAN PASIR (17,512)(M: 94.3% C: 4.9% I: 0.7% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Abdul Rahim Abdul Rahman (BN)2. Hassan Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hassan Abdullah (Pas)
N13 - MERANTI (12,520)(M: 98.5% C: 0.5% I: 0.8% L: 0.2%)1. Zaid Fadzil (BN)2. Mohd. Nassuruddin Daud (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd. Nassuruddin Daud (Pas)
N14 - GUAL PERIOK (17,204)(M: 96.7% C: 2.3% I: 0.8% L: 0.2%)1. Nik Mustapha Nik Loding (BN)2. Abdullah Ab. Razak (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang : Nik Mustapha Nik Loding (BN)
N15 - BUKIT TUKU (14,467)(M: 95.8% C: 2.9% I: 1.2% L: 0.1%)1. Mohd Zin Ismail (BN)2. Mohd Yusuf Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd Yusuf Abdullah (Pas)
N16 - SALOR (14,736)(M: 98% C: 1.9% I: 0.1% L: 0%)1. Datuk Ahmad Rusli Ibrahim (BN)2. Buni Amin Hamzah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Ahmad Rusli Ibrahim (BN)
N17 - PASIR TUMBUH (13,042)(M: 99% C: 0.8% I: 0.1% L: 0.1%)1. Tuan Hashim Tuan Yaacob (BN)2. Ahmad Baihaki Atiqullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: (Kosong ekoran kematian Daud Jusoh pada 3/9/99)
N18 - KENALI (18,119)(M: 97.5% C:1.9% I: 0.4% L: 0.2%)1. Mohd Fauzi Ismail (BN)2. Mohamed Daud (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohamed Daud (Pas)
N19 - TAWANG (16,287)(M: 99% C: 0.9% I: 0.1% L: 0%)1. Mohd. Zin Yasin (BN)2. Hasan Mohamood (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hassan Mohamood (Pas)
N20 - PERUPOK (16,553)(M: 96.6% C: 2.4% I: 0.7% L: 0.3%)1. Makhtar Mohamed (BN)2. Omar Mohammed (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Omar Mohammed (Pas)
N21 - JELAWAT (18,523)(M: 98% C: 1.5% I: 0.3% L: 0.2%)1. Datuk Ahmad Shahibuddin Mohd Noor (BN)2. Shaary Awang (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: (Kosong ekoran kematian Mohd. Daud Ja'afar pada 24/2/99)
N22 - MELOR (15,176)(M: 96% C: 2.7% I: 1.2% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Zainal Abidin Abd. Kadir (BN)2. Wan Ismail Wan Jusoh (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Zainal Abidin Abd. Kadir (BN)
N23 - KADOK (13,506)(M: 97.6% C:1.9% I:0.4% L: 0.1%)1. Mat Riffin Said (BN)2. Shamsuddin @ Mohamed Shukri Ab Rahman (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Shamsudin @ Mohamed Shukri Ab. Rahman (Pas)
N24 - KETEREH (16,628)(M: 95% C: 4.2% I: 0.7% L: 0.1%)1. Md. Alwi Che Ahmad (BN)2. Md. Ashari Mamat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ariffin Mahmood (BN)
N25 - CHETOK (13,404)(M: 95% C: 3.8% I: 1.2% L: 0%)1. Che Kamarulzaman Zain (BN)2. Hanafi Daud (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hanafi Daud (Pas)
N26 - BUKIT PANAU (17,086)(M: 89.2% C: 9.2% I: 1.4% L: 0.2%)1. Muhamat Sulaiman (BN)2. Mat Yusoff Mat Sah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mat Yusoff Mat Sah (Pas)
N27 - GUAL IPOH (12,334)(M: 93.2% C: 2.8% I: 3.9% L: 0.1%)1. Tengku Alang Tengku Sulong (BN)2. Mohd. Kamil Haron (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Tengku Alang Tengku Sulong (BN)
N28 - SELISING (14,700)(M: 98.3% C: 1.2% I: 0.4% L: 0.1%)1. Abdul Rahman Yasin (BN)2. Saipul Bahri Mohamad (Pas).Majoriti:Penyandang: Che Bisi Hassan (Pas)
N29 - LIMBONGAN (16,298)(M: 95% C: 4.3% I: 0.6% L: 0.1%)1. Samat Mamat (BN)2. Zainuddin Hamat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Samat Mamat (BN)
N30 - SEMERAK (13,404)(M: 97% C: 1.4% I: 1.5% L: 0.1%)1. Mohammed Jelani Jaafar (BN)2. Hussin Awang (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Kamarudin Md. Nor (BN)
N31 - GAAL (12,371)(M: 98.5% C: 0.8% I: 0.6% L: 0.1%)1. Ab. Rahman Yaacob (BN)2. Dr. Nik Mazian Nik Mohamed (Pas)3. Mohd. Asri Mejah (AKIM)Majoriti:Penyandang: Alwi Jusoh (Pas)
N32 - PULAI CHONDONG (14,027)(M: 94.7% C: 4.5% I: 0.8% L: 0%)1. Mohd. Rifin Mamat (BN)2. Zulkifli Mamat (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Zulkifli Mamat (Pas)
N33 - BANGGOL JUDAH (14,636)(M: 94% C: 5.7% I: 0.3% L: 0%)1. Datuk Muhammad Hamzah (BN)2. Zakaria Yaacob (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Yahya Saman @ Othman (Pas)
N34 - KEMUNING (14,537)(M: 94.2% C: 4.9% I: 0.9% L: 0%)1. Ismail Mamat (BN)2. Hassan Muhamad (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Hassan Muhamad (Pas)
N35 - KEMAHANG (14,746)(M: 98.4% C: 0.8% I: 0.7% L: 0.1%)1. Mohd. Adhan Kechik (BN)2. Md. Anizam Ab Rahman (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mohd. Adhan Kechik (BN)
N36 - AIR LANAS (13,069)(M: 99.4% C: 0.4% I: 0.1% L: 0.1%)1. Zianon Abdin Ali (BN)2. Abdullah Ya'kub (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Abdullah Ya'kub (Pas)
N37 - PERGAU (10,208)(M: 98.5% C: 1% I: 0.5% L: 0%)1. Abdul Aziz Derashid (BN)2. Mamat Abdullah (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Abdul Aziz Derashid (BN)
N38 - GUCHIL (13,273)(M: 77% C: 17.6% I: 5.3% L: 0.1%)1. Md. Razali Che Mamat (BN)2. Zulkaifli Yacob (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Md. Razali Che Mamat (BN)
N39 - MENGKEBANG (14,359)(M: 95.3% C: 2.7% I: 1.9% L: 0.1%)1. Mek Som Mohamed (BN)2. Ibrahim Mahmood (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Mek Som Mohamed (BN)
N40 - MANEK URAI (11,255)(M: 99% C: 0.7% I: 0.2% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Wan Zaid Wan Abdullah (BN)2. Ismail Yaacob (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Ismail Yaacob (Pas)
N41 - DABONG (7,680)(M: 98.5% C: 0.3% I: 1.1% L: 0.1%)1. Datuk Mohamad Rozali Isohak (BN)2. Rapar @ Abdul Ghafar Yusoff (Pas)Majoriti:Penyandang: Datuk Mohamad Rozali Isohak (BN)
N42 - PALOH (10,119)(M: 99.5% C: 0.3% I: 0.2% L: 0.%)1. Nozula Mat Diah (BN)2. Nik Abdul Aziz Hassan (Keadilan)Majoriti:Penyandang: Nozula Mat Diah (BN)
N43 - GALAS (12,091)(M: 78% C: 219.3% I: 2.6% L: 0.1%)1. Mohamad Saufi Deraman (BN)2. Zulkifli Mohamed (Keadilan)Majoriti:Penyandang: Omar Mohamed (BN)
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