Awang Azman Awg Pawi & Khor Chooi Lian (2005), P. Ramlee di Cakera Nusantara, Penerbit Universiti Malaysia Sarawak
P.Ramlee di Cakera Nusantara membincangkan gagasan dan banyak penemuan baru mengenai P.Ramlee meliputi perkembangan artistic dan kreativiti, lirik, komposisi, skrip-skrip dan pengarahan.
Ini dikaitkan dengan konteks pemikiran kebudayaan dan zeitgeist pada ketika itu, dan pemikiran semula dalam bentuk kini.
Secara keseluruhan, ia memberikan kefahaman bentuk semasa yang wujud untuk pembinaan karya kontemporari, dan mengeksplorasi bentuk-bentuk baru pada era convergence ini.
Buku ini dijangka dapat memberikan suatu bentuk sarwajagat P.Ramlee dan beberapa aspek yang merentasi cabaran estetika.
Para sarjana, penyelidik dan aktivitis seni berkongsi dan bertukar-tukar pandangan mengenai aspek-aspek yang relevan tentang keseniannya.
Sebenarnya tidak timbul persoalan untuk mengantarabangsakan ketokohan P.Ramlee kerana beliau sendiri sudah lama diiktiraf sebagai tokoh seniman yang bertaraf antarabangsa.
Filem yang diarah dan juga dilakonkan oleh P.Ramlee dapat dikatakan mencapai tahap karya canon atau karya agung/klasik/kanun sekiranya kita menggunakan kayu ukuran atau kriteria oleh sarjana bernama Harold Bloom dalam bukunya The Western Canon: The Books and School of the Ages untuk membuat kriteria tentang karya canon di Barat.
Banyaknya peningkatan kajian dan penelitian tentang P.Ramlee merupakan bukti karya tersebut dianggap sebagai Eastern Canon. P.Ramlee sendiri telah dinobatkan sebagai Seniman Agung Negara.
Buku ini sesuai dibaca oleh mahasiswa seni, pengkaji dan peminat seni negara khususnya tentang Seniman Agung Negara. Buku ini juga ditujukan kepada semua yang prihatin terhadap sejarah perkembangan seni negara.
Thursday, May 15, 2008
Thursday, March 27, 2008
GENERASI MUDA PERTAHANKAN WARISAN
http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2008&dt=0327&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Selatan&pg=ws_02.htm
MELAKA 26 Mac 2008 – Biarpun golongan muda di kalangan masyarakat Baba Nyonya dianggap sebagai sudah lupa diri dan tidak kenal asal usul, namun ada segelintir di kalangan mereka masih tetap mahu mempertahankan warisan tradisi nenek moyang kaum itu.
Bagi Danial Ang, 38, dia tidak janggal atau berkecil hati apabila dikategorikan sebagai kaum Cina tetapi bukan Cina oleh rakan-rakan seusianya.
Malah, katanya, dia bangga dilahirkan sebagai generasi baru yang mewarisi tradisi Baba Nyonya yang disifatkannya sangat unik dan menarik.
‘‘Anda tahu, datuk saya dari generasi Baba Nyonya (lebih 50 tahun lalu) dikenali sebagai Lee Chee Lin yang boleh berpuisi dan berpantun seloka hanya berpandukan kepada alam sekeliling, anda boleh beri dia pembuka pantun apa sahaja dan dia boleh menjawabnya secara serta-merta.
‘‘Tapi saya mesti akui, biarpun saya kini sebagai generasi ketujuhnya, tidak mampu berbuat demikian,” katanya kepada Utusan Malaysia di sini, hari ini.
Apabila ditanya di mana silapnya sehingga dia ketinggalan menguasai ilmu tersebut, katanya, hidup yang semakin moden menyebabkan dia terlupa untuk menyambung warisan bernilai datuknya itu.
Sambil menunjukkan hasil nukilan datuknya yang dibukukan oleh Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) sebagai bahan rujukan, jelas kelihatan pada wajah Ang perasaan yang berbaur antara kecewa, gembira dan bangga.
‘‘Saya bangga kerana datuk mempunyai ketinggian ilmu berpantun sehingga hasil kerjanya yang hampir sedekad ini dijadikan bahan kajian rujukan pakar akademik dan pelajar universiti. Saya rasa tidak ada orang Melayu yang dapat menandingi kepakaran beliau (datuk),” katanya.
Ang yang bertugas sebagai pengurus di sebuah bank kewangan di Bandar Hilir di sini, berkata, kesan budaya dan pengaruh Barat khususnya dalam bidang muzik telah membuatkan golongan muda kaum itu menyisihkan budaya tradisi Baba Nyonya yang dianggap sebagai kolot serta ketinggalan zaman.
‘‘Anda boleh lihat sendiri berapa kerat sahaja orang muda yang datang untuk memeriahkan program komuniti Baba Nyonya yang diadakan pada setiap minggu di rumah persatuan di Kota Laksamana.
‘‘Jika ada pun, cuma saya dan beberapa rakan yang sebaya, boleh dikira dengan jari jumlah yang datang, bilangannya tidak akan mencecah lima orang pun,” katanya.
Namun kata Ang, dia tidak akan berputus asa dan bertekad memastikan anak -anaknya mewarisi tradisi Baba Nyonya biarpun masih terdapat di kalangan masyarakat melihat kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya sebagai golongan yang pelik.
‘‘Setiap minggu, saya tidak akan lupa menemani bapa untuk bermesyuarat dan membantu menggerakkan program dan kegiatan masyarakat Baba Nyonya. Tumpuannya ialah untuk menarik minat generasi muda peranakan menyertai aktiviti ini bagi memastikan mereka dapat menyambung warisan tradisi mereka sampai bila-bila,” katanya.
Bagi Thomas Tan, 43, pegangan tradisi lama kaum itu dianggap ketinggalan zaman dan tidak sesuai dengan keperluan generasi muda kaum peranakan zaman ini.
Katanya, kaum Nyonya, misalnya, tidak lagi mengenakan kain sarung yang diikat halus pada pinggang seperti yang dipraktikkan generasi terdahulu sebaliknya Nyonya moden hari ini gemar mengenakan kain sarung yang diubah suai menjadi moden.
‘‘Generasi hari ini tidak dapat menerima tradisi lama tinggalan nenek moyang mereka. Senario ini berlaku kepada semua kaum,” katanya.
Dalam pada itu Robert Lee, 65, adalah generasi ketujuh Baba dan Nyonya di Melaka yang masih menyimpan koleksi pantun ciptaan nenek moyangnya.
‘‘Pantun ini amat menarik kerana ia dikarang dalam bahasa Melayu lama,’’ katanya.
MELAKA 26 Mac 2008 – Biarpun golongan muda di kalangan masyarakat Baba Nyonya dianggap sebagai sudah lupa diri dan tidak kenal asal usul, namun ada segelintir di kalangan mereka masih tetap mahu mempertahankan warisan tradisi nenek moyang kaum itu.
Bagi Danial Ang, 38, dia tidak janggal atau berkecil hati apabila dikategorikan sebagai kaum Cina tetapi bukan Cina oleh rakan-rakan seusianya.
Malah, katanya, dia bangga dilahirkan sebagai generasi baru yang mewarisi tradisi Baba Nyonya yang disifatkannya sangat unik dan menarik.
‘‘Anda tahu, datuk saya dari generasi Baba Nyonya (lebih 50 tahun lalu) dikenali sebagai Lee Chee Lin yang boleh berpuisi dan berpantun seloka hanya berpandukan kepada alam sekeliling, anda boleh beri dia pembuka pantun apa sahaja dan dia boleh menjawabnya secara serta-merta.
‘‘Tapi saya mesti akui, biarpun saya kini sebagai generasi ketujuhnya, tidak mampu berbuat demikian,” katanya kepada Utusan Malaysia di sini, hari ini.
Apabila ditanya di mana silapnya sehingga dia ketinggalan menguasai ilmu tersebut, katanya, hidup yang semakin moden menyebabkan dia terlupa untuk menyambung warisan bernilai datuknya itu.
Sambil menunjukkan hasil nukilan datuknya yang dibukukan oleh Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) sebagai bahan rujukan, jelas kelihatan pada wajah Ang perasaan yang berbaur antara kecewa, gembira dan bangga.
‘‘Saya bangga kerana datuk mempunyai ketinggian ilmu berpantun sehingga hasil kerjanya yang hampir sedekad ini dijadikan bahan kajian rujukan pakar akademik dan pelajar universiti. Saya rasa tidak ada orang Melayu yang dapat menandingi kepakaran beliau (datuk),” katanya.
Ang yang bertugas sebagai pengurus di sebuah bank kewangan di Bandar Hilir di sini, berkata, kesan budaya dan pengaruh Barat khususnya dalam bidang muzik telah membuatkan golongan muda kaum itu menyisihkan budaya tradisi Baba Nyonya yang dianggap sebagai kolot serta ketinggalan zaman.
‘‘Anda boleh lihat sendiri berapa kerat sahaja orang muda yang datang untuk memeriahkan program komuniti Baba Nyonya yang diadakan pada setiap minggu di rumah persatuan di Kota Laksamana.
‘‘Jika ada pun, cuma saya dan beberapa rakan yang sebaya, boleh dikira dengan jari jumlah yang datang, bilangannya tidak akan mencecah lima orang pun,” katanya.
Namun kata Ang, dia tidak akan berputus asa dan bertekad memastikan anak -anaknya mewarisi tradisi Baba Nyonya biarpun masih terdapat di kalangan masyarakat melihat kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya sebagai golongan yang pelik.
‘‘Setiap minggu, saya tidak akan lupa menemani bapa untuk bermesyuarat dan membantu menggerakkan program dan kegiatan masyarakat Baba Nyonya. Tumpuannya ialah untuk menarik minat generasi muda peranakan menyertai aktiviti ini bagi memastikan mereka dapat menyambung warisan tradisi mereka sampai bila-bila,” katanya.
Bagi Thomas Tan, 43, pegangan tradisi lama kaum itu dianggap ketinggalan zaman dan tidak sesuai dengan keperluan generasi muda kaum peranakan zaman ini.
Katanya, kaum Nyonya, misalnya, tidak lagi mengenakan kain sarung yang diikat halus pada pinggang seperti yang dipraktikkan generasi terdahulu sebaliknya Nyonya moden hari ini gemar mengenakan kain sarung yang diubah suai menjadi moden.
‘‘Generasi hari ini tidak dapat menerima tradisi lama tinggalan nenek moyang mereka. Senario ini berlaku kepada semua kaum,” katanya.
Dalam pada itu Robert Lee, 65, adalah generasi ketujuh Baba dan Nyonya di Melaka yang masih menyimpan koleksi pantun ciptaan nenek moyangnya.
‘‘Pantun ini amat menarik kerana ia dikarang dalam bahasa Melayu lama,’’ katanya.
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
KEUNIKAN BUDAYA BABA DAN NYONYA
MUKADIMAH
MASYARAKAT peranakan Baba dan Nyonya merupakan kumpulan komuniti yang tinggal di negeri Melaka.
Mereka merupakan masyarakat unik kerana kumpulan ini adalah sebahagian dari kaum Cina tetapi mengamalkan adat resam dan budaya campuran Cina-Melayu.
Masyarakat ini dikatakan telah wujud sejak lebih 600 tahun lalu iaitu ketika zaman kegemilangan Kesultanan Melayu Melaka apabila mereka datang untuk berdagang di bumi ini dan kemudiannya berkahwin dengan masyarakat Melayu.
Zaman terus berlalu, jumlah masyarakat Baba Nyonya kini semakin berkurangan. Lebih ironik apabila generasi muda yang sepatutnya menjadi pewaris kini kebanyakannya semakin meninggalkan adat resam dan budaya tinggalan nenek moyang mereka.
Wartawan Utusan Malaysia, NORIZAN ABDUL MUHID dan jurugambar ABDUL RAZAK LATIF baru-baru ini telah mendekati kumpulan minoriti Baba Nyonya yang ada di Melaka untuk mengetahui sejauh mana adat resam dan budaya masyarakat itu dapat dipertahankan. Ikuti laporan khas tersebut.
MELAKA 26 Mac 2008 – Kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya sudah wujud di negeri ini sejak 600 tahun lalu dan negeri Melaka merupakan satu-satunya negeri di Malaysia yang merupakan kolonis terbesar masyarakat unik ini bertapak.
Kini bilangan mereka mencecah lebih 600 orang di Melaka, belum lagi dikira bilangan mereka yang berhijrah ke negeri lain khususnya ke Pulau Pinang dan Singapura.
Kumpulan kaum minoriti ini menggelarkan diri mereka sebagai Baba Nyonya atau peranakan kerana memiliki dua budaya warisan tradisi Cina yang pada masa sama mengamalkan ciri-ciri kehidupan masyarakat Melayu.
Ia berpunca pada zaman sebelum Kesultanan Melayu Melaka menerusi perkahwinan campur yang berlaku di antara pedagang Cina yang datang berniaga ke Tanah Melayu pada waktu itu yang kemudiannya jatuh cinta dan akhirnya mengahwini wanita Melayu.
Sebab itu, kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya ini mempunyai persamaan dengan kaum Melayu terutama dari segi bahasa, makanan dan budaya.
Bagaimanapun, dari segi anutan, kebanyakanya mereka masih mengekalkan agama Buddha namun ramai di antara mereka yang memilih agama lain seperti Islam dan Kristian.
Cara masakan Baba Nyonya juga dipengaruhi resipi orang Melayu sehingga sudah menjadi kebiasaan, kaum ini menggunakan tangan ketika menjamah hidangan seperti amalan masyarakat Melayu.
Generasi Nyonya (perempuan) yang terdahulu sehingga kini masih memakai pakaian kebaya dan kain sarung seperti masyarakat Melayu yang dikenali sebagai kebaya nyonya.
Namun, kehidupan dan pemikiran kaum Baba Nyonya ini masih mengekalkan unsur-unsur masyarakat Cina biarpun mereka telah lama terpisah dari komuniti nenek moyang mereka di China.
Keadaan ini jelas digambarkan menerusi sistem kekeluargaan dan agama yang masihmereka amalkan, kecuali tocang yang dianggap sebagai lambang pengabdian kepada kerajaan Manchu (zaman sebelum penghijrahan ke Tanah Melayu).
Bagaimanapun, zaman semakin berubah, amalan dan budaya sosial yang diamalkan masyarakat Baba Nyonya semakin disisihkan oleh generasi baru kaum itu.
Kebimbangan itu dilahirkan Presiden Persatuan Peranan Melaka, Phua Jin Hock, yang mengakui generasi barunya seperti malu dengan identiti Baba Nyonya yang diwarisi daripada nenek moyang mereka yang terdahulu.
Jin Hock, 61, berkata, golongan itu semakin tenggelam dibuai arus kemodenan muzik pop, peralatan canggih muzik, I-pod dan Internet yang diserapkan dengan budaya Barat.
‘‘Malah, boleh dikatakan, 90 peratus daripada 450 orang kaum Peranakan yang menyertai Persatuan Peranakan Baba Nyonya yang ada pada hari ini terdiri daripada orang-orang lama.
‘‘Hanya segelintir daripada generasi baba lama yang menyertai persatuan ini turut disertai oleh anak-anak mereka yang kebanyakannya berusia dalam lingkungan 30-an,” katanya kepada Utusan Malaysia ketika ditemui baru-baru ini.
Menurut Kenny Chan, 58, sukar untuk melihat anak-anak perempuan dan wanita dewasa di kalangan kaum itu mengenakan pakaian baju kebaya yang mengikut tradisi asal nenek moyang mereka kerana kebanyakan mereka lebih gemar memakai pakaian moden.
‘‘Dulu ketika muda, saya sering dikutuk oleh kaum Cina kerana tidak pandai berbahasa Cina pada hal saya berketurunan Cina, dan sepanjang usia remaja, bila orang tanya identiti saya, saya hanya mendiamkan diri kerana malu.
‘‘Rasanya saya faham mengapa generasi baru hari ini berperangai sedemikian, tetapi sebenarnya, kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya sangat unik, dan apa yang kami ada, tidak ada pada kaum-kaum lain di mana-mana negara pun,” katanya.
David Tan, 67, pesara kerajaan, berkata, mana-mana kaum lain tetap mengalami krisis yang sama seperti yang dialami peranakan Baba Nyonya sekarang.
‘‘Sebab itu kita melalui kegiatan berpersatuan sedang giat menjalankan program mendekati golongan muda untuk terus kekal mengamalkan adat budaya Baba Nyonya sehingga mereka dapat mewariskan kepada anak-anak mereka kelak,” katanya.
http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2008&dt=0327&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Selatan&pg=ws_01.htm
MASYARAKAT peranakan Baba dan Nyonya merupakan kumpulan komuniti yang tinggal di negeri Melaka.
Mereka merupakan masyarakat unik kerana kumpulan ini adalah sebahagian dari kaum Cina tetapi mengamalkan adat resam dan budaya campuran Cina-Melayu.
Masyarakat ini dikatakan telah wujud sejak lebih 600 tahun lalu iaitu ketika zaman kegemilangan Kesultanan Melayu Melaka apabila mereka datang untuk berdagang di bumi ini dan kemudiannya berkahwin dengan masyarakat Melayu.
Zaman terus berlalu, jumlah masyarakat Baba Nyonya kini semakin berkurangan. Lebih ironik apabila generasi muda yang sepatutnya menjadi pewaris kini kebanyakannya semakin meninggalkan adat resam dan budaya tinggalan nenek moyang mereka.
Wartawan Utusan Malaysia, NORIZAN ABDUL MUHID dan jurugambar ABDUL RAZAK LATIF baru-baru ini telah mendekati kumpulan minoriti Baba Nyonya yang ada di Melaka untuk mengetahui sejauh mana adat resam dan budaya masyarakat itu dapat dipertahankan. Ikuti laporan khas tersebut.
MELAKA 26 Mac 2008 – Kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya sudah wujud di negeri ini sejak 600 tahun lalu dan negeri Melaka merupakan satu-satunya negeri di Malaysia yang merupakan kolonis terbesar masyarakat unik ini bertapak.
Kini bilangan mereka mencecah lebih 600 orang di Melaka, belum lagi dikira bilangan mereka yang berhijrah ke negeri lain khususnya ke Pulau Pinang dan Singapura.
Kumpulan kaum minoriti ini menggelarkan diri mereka sebagai Baba Nyonya atau peranakan kerana memiliki dua budaya warisan tradisi Cina yang pada masa sama mengamalkan ciri-ciri kehidupan masyarakat Melayu.
Ia berpunca pada zaman sebelum Kesultanan Melayu Melaka menerusi perkahwinan campur yang berlaku di antara pedagang Cina yang datang berniaga ke Tanah Melayu pada waktu itu yang kemudiannya jatuh cinta dan akhirnya mengahwini wanita Melayu.
Sebab itu, kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya ini mempunyai persamaan dengan kaum Melayu terutama dari segi bahasa, makanan dan budaya.
Bagaimanapun, dari segi anutan, kebanyakanya mereka masih mengekalkan agama Buddha namun ramai di antara mereka yang memilih agama lain seperti Islam dan Kristian.
Cara masakan Baba Nyonya juga dipengaruhi resipi orang Melayu sehingga sudah menjadi kebiasaan, kaum ini menggunakan tangan ketika menjamah hidangan seperti amalan masyarakat Melayu.
Generasi Nyonya (perempuan) yang terdahulu sehingga kini masih memakai pakaian kebaya dan kain sarung seperti masyarakat Melayu yang dikenali sebagai kebaya nyonya.
Namun, kehidupan dan pemikiran kaum Baba Nyonya ini masih mengekalkan unsur-unsur masyarakat Cina biarpun mereka telah lama terpisah dari komuniti nenek moyang mereka di China.
Keadaan ini jelas digambarkan menerusi sistem kekeluargaan dan agama yang masihmereka amalkan, kecuali tocang yang dianggap sebagai lambang pengabdian kepada kerajaan Manchu (zaman sebelum penghijrahan ke Tanah Melayu).
Bagaimanapun, zaman semakin berubah, amalan dan budaya sosial yang diamalkan masyarakat Baba Nyonya semakin disisihkan oleh generasi baru kaum itu.
Kebimbangan itu dilahirkan Presiden Persatuan Peranan Melaka, Phua Jin Hock, yang mengakui generasi barunya seperti malu dengan identiti Baba Nyonya yang diwarisi daripada nenek moyang mereka yang terdahulu.
Jin Hock, 61, berkata, golongan itu semakin tenggelam dibuai arus kemodenan muzik pop, peralatan canggih muzik, I-pod dan Internet yang diserapkan dengan budaya Barat.
‘‘Malah, boleh dikatakan, 90 peratus daripada 450 orang kaum Peranakan yang menyertai Persatuan Peranakan Baba Nyonya yang ada pada hari ini terdiri daripada orang-orang lama.
‘‘Hanya segelintir daripada generasi baba lama yang menyertai persatuan ini turut disertai oleh anak-anak mereka yang kebanyakannya berusia dalam lingkungan 30-an,” katanya kepada Utusan Malaysia ketika ditemui baru-baru ini.
Menurut Kenny Chan, 58, sukar untuk melihat anak-anak perempuan dan wanita dewasa di kalangan kaum itu mengenakan pakaian baju kebaya yang mengikut tradisi asal nenek moyang mereka kerana kebanyakan mereka lebih gemar memakai pakaian moden.
‘‘Dulu ketika muda, saya sering dikutuk oleh kaum Cina kerana tidak pandai berbahasa Cina pada hal saya berketurunan Cina, dan sepanjang usia remaja, bila orang tanya identiti saya, saya hanya mendiamkan diri kerana malu.
‘‘Rasanya saya faham mengapa generasi baru hari ini berperangai sedemikian, tetapi sebenarnya, kaum peranakan Baba Nyonya sangat unik, dan apa yang kami ada, tidak ada pada kaum-kaum lain di mana-mana negara pun,” katanya.
David Tan, 67, pesara kerajaan, berkata, mana-mana kaum lain tetap mengalami krisis yang sama seperti yang dialami peranakan Baba Nyonya sekarang.
‘‘Sebab itu kita melalui kegiatan berpersatuan sedang giat menjalankan program mendekati golongan muda untuk terus kekal mengamalkan adat budaya Baba Nyonya sehingga mereka dapat mewariskan kepada anak-anak mereka kelak,” katanya.
http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2008&dt=0327&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Selatan&pg=ws_01.htm
AMAL ADAT RESAM CINA-MELAYU
http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2008&dt=0327&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Selatan&pg=ws_05.htm
MELAKA 26 Mac 2008 – Masyarakat peranakan Baba Nyonya merupakan salah satu kumpulan minoriti yang mempunyai keunikan tersendiri yang tinggal di negeri ini.
Masyarakat yang juga salah satu kaum Cina ini mengamalkan adat resam dan budaya campuran Cina-Melayu.
Mereka fasih berbahasa Melayu, berpakaian kebaya, kain sarung, boleh berdondang sayang dan berseloka dengan sempurna.
Kaum minoriti Baba Nyonya banyak berpusat di sekitar Taman Kota Laksamana, Taman Melaka Raya dan menguasai bangunan-bangunan bersejarah di Hearin Street dan Jalan Tun Tan Cheng Lock di sini.
Mengikut sejarah, masyarakat ini kebanyakannya berasal dari wilayah Hokkien, China dan mereka berhijrah ke Melaka 600 tahun dahulu ketika zaman Kesultanan Melayu Melaka dahulu yang terkenal sebagai pusat pertemuan pedagang Timur dan Barat.
Mereka datang ke negeri ini untuk berdagang dan mencari pekerjaan tetapi pada masa sama berkahwin dengan wanita Melayu tempatan di mana anak lelaki yang dilahirkan dipanggil Baba manakala anak perempuan disebut Nyonya.
Kaum Baba Nyonya ini juga amat popular dengan pelbagai masakan asam pedas dan kuih tradisional yang begitu sedap dan menarik di mana resipinya ada persamaan dengan masakan masyarakat Melayu seperti onde-onde, kuih apom balik, kuih koci, cendol dan tapai pulut.
Walaupun menggunakan bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Hokkien sebagai bahasa percakapan harian, mereka tetap berpegang kepada agama asal mereka iaitu Buddha di samping ada yang sudah memeluk Islam atau Kristian.
Antara dialog popular di kalangan Baba Nyonya ialah misalnya, masyarakat Melayu kata katil tetapi mengikut kata Baba Nyonya, katil dirujuk sebagai ranjang.
Pertuturan mereka juga bercampur bahasa Hokkien Melayu seperti ‘mana lu mau pergi, ini gua punya, mak mana, hai yaa hujan lebat, tak pi tutup jendela’.
Kaum Nyonya gemar berpakaian kebaya dan kain sarung yang merupakan pakaian tradisional nenek moyang mereka yang dikenali sebagai kebaya nyonya.
Di kalangan kaum Nyonya terdahulu juga gemar makan sirih dan sentil tembakau yang diselitkan pada mulut seperti yang diamalkan oleh wanita Melayu satu ketika dulu.
Begitu juga dengan majlis perkahwinan, ia campuran budaya Melayu dan Cina di mana di kalangan generasi lama, mereka meletakkan tepak sirih di atas katil pengantin dan apabila malam, jika pengantin perempuan tiada lagi dara maka tepak sirih tersebut akan diterbalikkan.
Seperti masyarakat Melayu lama, kaum peranakan khususnya generasi lama percaya kepada perubatan tradisional khususnya dukun dan pawang yang dipercayai mampu mengubatkan penyakit misteri atau menghalau hantu.
Dalam usaha mengekalkan adat budaya dan tradisi lama kaum peranakan, sebuah rumah lama milik kaum Baba Nyonya dijadikan muzium di Jalan Tun Tan Cheng Lock, Banda Hilir dan digelar sebagai Muzium Warisan Baba Nyonya.
Muzium itu yang ditubuhkan pada 1984 mempamerkan barangan pakaian Baba Nyonya, majlis perkahwinan, peralatan dapur dan barangan antik yang menggambarkan kehidupan harian masyarakat tersebut.
Para pengunjung yang melawat muzium itu akan disambut oleh kakitangan wanita yang berpakaian kebaya dan kain sarung dan disajikan dengan pameran perabot seperti kerusi, meja, almari malah reka bentuk rumah mengikut tukangan dari China.
MELAKA 26 Mac 2008 – Masyarakat peranakan Baba Nyonya merupakan salah satu kumpulan minoriti yang mempunyai keunikan tersendiri yang tinggal di negeri ini.
Masyarakat yang juga salah satu kaum Cina ini mengamalkan adat resam dan budaya campuran Cina-Melayu.
Mereka fasih berbahasa Melayu, berpakaian kebaya, kain sarung, boleh berdondang sayang dan berseloka dengan sempurna.
Kaum minoriti Baba Nyonya banyak berpusat di sekitar Taman Kota Laksamana, Taman Melaka Raya dan menguasai bangunan-bangunan bersejarah di Hearin Street dan Jalan Tun Tan Cheng Lock di sini.
Mengikut sejarah, masyarakat ini kebanyakannya berasal dari wilayah Hokkien, China dan mereka berhijrah ke Melaka 600 tahun dahulu ketika zaman Kesultanan Melayu Melaka dahulu yang terkenal sebagai pusat pertemuan pedagang Timur dan Barat.
Mereka datang ke negeri ini untuk berdagang dan mencari pekerjaan tetapi pada masa sama berkahwin dengan wanita Melayu tempatan di mana anak lelaki yang dilahirkan dipanggil Baba manakala anak perempuan disebut Nyonya.
Kaum Baba Nyonya ini juga amat popular dengan pelbagai masakan asam pedas dan kuih tradisional yang begitu sedap dan menarik di mana resipinya ada persamaan dengan masakan masyarakat Melayu seperti onde-onde, kuih apom balik, kuih koci, cendol dan tapai pulut.
Walaupun menggunakan bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Hokkien sebagai bahasa percakapan harian, mereka tetap berpegang kepada agama asal mereka iaitu Buddha di samping ada yang sudah memeluk Islam atau Kristian.
Antara dialog popular di kalangan Baba Nyonya ialah misalnya, masyarakat Melayu kata katil tetapi mengikut kata Baba Nyonya, katil dirujuk sebagai ranjang.
Pertuturan mereka juga bercampur bahasa Hokkien Melayu seperti ‘mana lu mau pergi, ini gua punya, mak mana, hai yaa hujan lebat, tak pi tutup jendela’.
Kaum Nyonya gemar berpakaian kebaya dan kain sarung yang merupakan pakaian tradisional nenek moyang mereka yang dikenali sebagai kebaya nyonya.
Di kalangan kaum Nyonya terdahulu juga gemar makan sirih dan sentil tembakau yang diselitkan pada mulut seperti yang diamalkan oleh wanita Melayu satu ketika dulu.
Begitu juga dengan majlis perkahwinan, ia campuran budaya Melayu dan Cina di mana di kalangan generasi lama, mereka meletakkan tepak sirih di atas katil pengantin dan apabila malam, jika pengantin perempuan tiada lagi dara maka tepak sirih tersebut akan diterbalikkan.
Seperti masyarakat Melayu lama, kaum peranakan khususnya generasi lama percaya kepada perubatan tradisional khususnya dukun dan pawang yang dipercayai mampu mengubatkan penyakit misteri atau menghalau hantu.
Dalam usaha mengekalkan adat budaya dan tradisi lama kaum peranakan, sebuah rumah lama milik kaum Baba Nyonya dijadikan muzium di Jalan Tun Tan Cheng Lock, Banda Hilir dan digelar sebagai Muzium Warisan Baba Nyonya.
Muzium itu yang ditubuhkan pada 1984 mempamerkan barangan pakaian Baba Nyonya, majlis perkahwinan, peralatan dapur dan barangan antik yang menggambarkan kehidupan harian masyarakat tersebut.
Para pengunjung yang melawat muzium itu akan disambut oleh kakitangan wanita yang berpakaian kebaya dan kain sarung dan disajikan dengan pameran perabot seperti kerusi, meja, almari malah reka bentuk rumah mengikut tukangan dari China.
Monday, February 25, 2008
TAN SRI DATUK SERI DR AISHAH GHANI
Lot 3 Lorong Kota 3,
Off Jalan Duta (Jalan Bukit Ledang)
Sri Perdana terus
03 2095 9290
Tan Sri Datin Paduka Seri Dr. Aishah Ghani (lahir 15 Disember 1923) ialah Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat Malaysia antara 1973 dan 1984, serta Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia antara tahun 1972 sehingga 1984.
Pendidikan
Dilahirkan di Kampung Sungai Serai, Hulu Langat, Selangor, Aishah memperoleh pendidikan awalnya di Sekolah Melayu Bukit Raya, Cheras, Selangor dan menyertai sekolah menengah di Diniyah Puteri, Padang Panjang, Sumatera Barat, Indonesia, dari tahun 1936 hingga 1939. Pada tahun 1940 hingga 1943, beliau menyertai Maktab Perguruan Tinggi Islam di Padang, Sumatera Barat, dan kemudiannya pergi ke London pada April 1955 dan memperoleh ijazah kewartawanannya dari Politeknik Regent Street di London pada Disember 1958.
Kerjaya politik
Penglibatan Aishah dalam bidang politik bermula sebaik sahaja Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) ditubuhkan pada tahun 1945, dan beliau menjadi Ahli Jawatankuasa dan sekaligus mengetuai sayap wanita yang dipanggil Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS). Ketika itu, beliau juga bertugas sebagai wartawan Pelita Malaya, lidah rasmi PKMM.
Aishah keluar daripada AWAS pada tahun 1946 (AWAS kemudian diharamkan oleh kerajaan pada tahun 1948) dan menyertai perhimpunan yang menuntut kemerdekaan di Kelab Sultan Sulaiman, Kuala Lumpur, pada Mac tahun yang sama. Beliau menyertai UMNO Kampung Baru pada tahun 1949 dan dilantik sebagai Setiausaha.
Sekembalinya Aishah dari kursusnya di London pada tahun 1959, beliau bertugas sekali lagi sebagai wartawan, kali ini untuk Berita Harian, serta sebagai penyunting di Kumpulan Akhbar New Straits Times. Beliau meletakkan kedua-dua jawatannya pada tahun 1963 apabila beliau menjadi Ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO serta Naib Ketua Wanita UMNO, dan dilantik sebagai aenator wanita yang pertama di Malaysia serta wakil wanita Malaysia yang pertama ke Perhimpunan Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB). Dari tahun 1967 hingga 1972, Aishah menjadi wakil Malaysia ke Persidangan Suruhanjaya Taraf Wanita PBB. Beliau juga menyandang jawatan Setiausaha Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Negeri Selangor antara tahun 1960 hingga 1972.
Pada tahun 1972, Aishah dipilih menjadi Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia, satu pertubuhan yang beliau mengetuai selama 12 tahun sehingga 1984. Pada 1 Mac 1973, beliau dilantik sebagai Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat selepas persaraan Tun Tan Sri Dr. Fatimah dan memegang jawatan ini selama 11 tahun sebelum menamatkan khidmatnya pada tahun 1984. Semasa menyandang jawatan Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat, beliau melancarkan Yayasan Kebajikan Negara, sebuah pertubuhan yang masih berfungsi pada hari ini. Aishah ialah Pengerusi Tetap Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia sejak tahun 1986 hingga sekarang.
Selepas politik
Selepas kerjaya politiknya, Aishah menyandang jawatan Pengerusi Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia (1985-1997), Ahli Jawatankuasa Yayasan Tun Abdul Razak, serta Pengerusi Pusat Perlindungan Wanita Darsaadah. Selain itu, beliau juga merupakan Pengerusi Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad sejak penubuhannya pada tahun 1975.
Seakan-akan ini tidak mencukupi, Aishah juga menumpukan masanya dalam bidang perniagaan, dan merupakan pengerusi dan/atau pengarah untuk sekurang-kurang tujuh syarikat sendirian berhad.
Anugerah
1971: Johan Mangku Negara (J.M.N.) oleh Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1978: Darjah Dato' Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Kedua (D.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka' oleh Kerajaan Selangor
1985: Panglima Mangku Negara (P.M.N.) yang membawa gelaran 'Tan Sri' oleh Sri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1986: Ijazah Kehormat Kedoktoran Undang-undang oleh Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM)
1999: Darjah Seri Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Pertama (S.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka Seri' oleh DYMM Sultan Selangor
2002: Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Falsafah Sains Politik oleh Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM).
Hard road for visionary leader
Aishah Ghani: Never regretted her hard life in politics and fight for Malaysian independence. Picture: Bernama KUALA LUMPUR, 7 Mac -- WANITA BERHATI WAJA ... "Peranan kaum ibu dan orang lelaki sama," demikian kata tokoh politik veteran Tan Sri Aishah Ghani, 83, dalam wawancara dengan Bernama mengenai peranan kaum wanita dalam perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan ketik
Melati Mohd AriffKUALA LUMPUR
Thursday, March 8, 2007
AT AGE 12, Aishah Ghani left her homeland to study in Sumatra. She went away with a heavy heart that day in 1935, but despite the tears at the receding image of her mother, there was a sense of satisfaction that she was doing the right thing."During that time, girls were married off young. They couldn't even think of continuing their studies," she says. "I learnt to be independent by 12, and from the outset I was inclined toward politics. It's only right that what we undergo becomes the catalyst to what we advocate," says Aishah, who turned 83 last December. She's not an idle senior citizen either. The Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad chairman since 1974 makes it a point to come to office daily. It's her routine to be at her office from 9.30am to noon or evening. She has been active in politics for almost half a century. Her mind is still sharp when responding to questions on Merdeka and the fate of the Malays.Aishah was exposed to the true meaning of patriotism and nationalistic aspirations when she was studying at the all-girls religious school Diniyah Puteri in Padang Panjang. Indonesia, at the time, was under the Dutch and Aishah witnessed and felt the vigour of Indonesian nationalism and the fight for self-determination.Aishah recalls that the school's 700 students displayed high spirits though many had never seen their fathers who were banished by the Dutch."Many Indonesians were forced to become labourers as they could not afford the head tax imposed by the Dutch colonial government. From my school, I could see the Dutch army troops whipping the labourers."There were many freedom-fighters in Indonesia. We were often reminded that we would remain as long as we were still under Dutch rule. We were told to think of independence and participate in whatever movement to seek independence," continues Aishah, adding that she and her contemporaries were free to discuss politics and had access to many books on the subject.Aishah continued her education at the Islamic Teachers' Training College (1940-43) in Padang and then went on to London where she took up journalism at the Regent Street Polytechnic in 1955. At that time she was already married to Abdul Aziz Abu Hassan and had three children."I knew that we had to be equipped to succeed and learning English was important. To be prepared to fight for independence, I had to master English." Aishah was initially a teacher, serving in Lenggeng, Negri Sembilan during the Japanese Occupation. Once she had a very high fever and no medication. "I can't even describe how difficult the situation was then, you couldn't find rice, food, clothing and medicine. If you survived the Japanese Occupation you should count yourself lucky."However, her career as a journalist was more eventful. She started off with Pelita Malaya, the official publication of Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). She was also a Berita Harian reporter from 1959 to 1963.On her involvement in politics, which began during Malaysia's road to independence, she says she has no regrets despite all kinds of tribulations. Aishah is a noted figure in the nation's political landscape, perhaps because there are not many Malay women during her days who can rival her achievement. Her involvement in Pergerakan Kaum Ibu (the precursor of Wanita Umno) was momentous.Prior to her distinguished role in Umno, Aishah was the head of Angkatan Wanita Sedar (Awas), the left wing of PKMM. In 1949, she joined Umno in Kampung Baru and was appointed secretary of Pergerakan Kaum Ibu Kuala Lumpur, which was interrupted when she took up journalism in London from 1955 to 1959.From 1960 to 1972, she was the deputy head of the Pergerakan Kaum Ibu and as the Secretary of Selangor Wanita Umno and also the only female member of the Umno Supreme Council. She took over the helm of Wanita Umno in 1972 after defeating Tun Fatimah Hashim who had held the post for 16 years. Aishah remained the lynchpin of the organisation until 1984.In 1963, Aishah became the first woman to be appointed senator, and on March 1, 1973, was appointed the Welfare Minister. Aishah was also bestowed many awards and was conferred a "Tan Sri" title in 1985.Women have contributed significantly to Malaysia's independence. Aishah provided an example where, during the stand-off against the Malayan Union, 10 years before Merdeka, the women came out in full force to join in the demonstrations."The role played by the men and women are the same. The women were frightened by the bad experience they had to go through during the Japanese Occupation. If women had just sat at home, they wouldn't have contributed much."Therefore after the war, when invited to stand up against Malayan Union, they came out in full force despite difficulties. "They carried children on the hips, spent their money, walked for miles. The women folk were never left out in the fight for Merdeka. They were strong supporters of the male leaders." Aishah's life is full of trials and tribulations, beginning with her journey to seek knowledge, living through the British and Japanese Occupations and her involvement in the nation's politics.Therefore when asked how she feels as the nation will soon be celebrating its 50th anniversary, she replied: "Definitely I'm thankful to Allah, moreover in this advanced age I'm still able to celebrate the nation's 50th Merdeka anniversary."I'm humbled because I will be among the citizens who will celebrate 50 years of nationhood. "Probably there are not many from my generation who have the opportunity to do so. As for me I have been around when the nation was conceived, born and emerged as a prosperous and developed nation." Aishah says the struggle for independence by the freedom-fighters of yesteryears was not wasted as it gave rise to a nation that promised a glorious future as long as the citizens stay united and provide support.Yet, despite the 50th Merdeka celebration euphoria and the satisfaction she derived from her involvement in politics and Umno, Aishah is sad because the Malays are yet to fully benefit from the independence."We are still left out from the 30 per cent Bumiputera equity target. It remains at 18 per cent. Our hopes of seeing the Malays being at par with the other races remain a dream though various policies in favour of them have been formulated by the succeeding leaders," she says.In Aishah's honest view, she attributes this shortcoming to the Malays' attitude and mentality."The new found luxuries and too much entertainment have made the Malays complacent and they are not aware of their responsibilities. "Their lifestyle is neither forward-looking nor well-planned," says Aishah earnestly. Bernama
Source URL:http://www.bt.com.bn/en/en/classification/life/faces/2007/03/08/hard_road_for_visionary_leader
Title:
Tan Sri Aishah Ghani /E-man.
Author:
E-man
Publisher:
Kuala Lumpur :Cipta Publishing,2007.
Physical:
52 p. :ill. col. ;30 cm.
Notes:
Summary:
Subjects:
Cabinet officersMalaysiaBiographyPoliticiansMalaysiaBiographyAishah Haji Abdul Ghani,Tan Sri, Datin Paduka Hajah,1924-
Language:
Malay
Call Number:
RAC 959.505092 EMA
(International IDEA, 2002, Women in Parliament, Stockholm (http://www.idea.int). This is an English translation of Wan Azizah, “Perempuan dalam Politik: Refleksi dari Malaysia,” in International IDEA, 2002, Perempuan di Parlemen: Bukan Sekedar Jumlah,Stockholm: International IDEA, pp. 191-202. (This translation may vary slightly from the original text. If there are discrepancies in the meaning, the original Bahasa-Indonesia version is the definitive text).
Case Study
Women in Politics: Reflections from Malaysia
W a n Az i z a h
Women constitute half of humanity, and it follows that any decision-making, whether at the personal, family, societal or public levels, should be mindful of and involve the participation of women in the making of those decisions. Women’s political, social and economic rights are an integral and inseparable part of their human rights. Democracy is an inclusive process, and therefore in a functioning democracy, the points of view of different interest groups must be taken into account in formulating any decision. The interest and opinions of men, women and minorities must be part of that decision-making process.
Yet far from being included in the decision-making process, women find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Numerous challenges confront women entering politics. Among them are lack of party support, family support and the "masculine model" of political life. Many feel that Malaysian society is still male dominated, and men are threatened by the idea of women holding senior posts. In the political sphere this is compounded by the high premium placed on political power. This makes some men even less willing to share power with women. Based on the Malaysian experience, this case study will explore some of the obstacles that hinder the participation of women in
parliament, and propose strategies that may be used to overcome them.
The Malaysian Context
Malaysia is a federation of thirteen states and three federal territories. Nine of the states are headed by sultans, the other four by governors appointed by the king, known as Yang Dipertuan Agong (YDPA). The YDPA is elected from among the sultans by the Council of Rulers made up of the sultans themselves. The position is rotated among them for a fiveyear term. The YDPA rules with the advice of the prime minister and the sultans rule in their various states with the advice of their chief ministers. Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy that follows a system of parliamentary democracy.
The prime minister and chief ministers are elected by the people through general elections held regularly every five years.
The current YDPA is the twelfth since the nation’s independence on 31 August 1957. At independence the nation was made up of eleven states1 and was called the Federation of Malaya. In 1963, Sabah and Sarawak joined the Federation to form the Federation of Malaysia.
Women constitute over 50 percent of Malaysia’s 23 million people. Famed as a multi-ethnic country, rich in its variety of cultures, Malaysia’s population is made up of more than 30 ethnic groups2. Less than eight percent of the population was classified as living below poverty line before the 1997 economic crisis; the literacy rate is above 85 percent and life expectancy is comparable to developed countries. It has a bicameral parliamentary system composed of a lower house (Dewan Rakyat) and upper house (Dewan Negara). While members of the Dewan Rakyat are elected, members of the Dewan Negara are appointed either by the states or directly by the YDPA acting on the advice of the prime minister.
The National Front (Barisan Nasional or BN), a coalition of about fifteen political parties established in 1974 in the aftermath of 13 May 1969 racial riots, forms the government. BN’s core members, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), that earlier formed the Alliance Party (1955-1974), have been at the helm of the government since the country’s independence. While BN dominates Malaysian mainstream politics and the parliament with an almost unbroken record of two-thirds majority or more, the nation has credible opposition parties, including the Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) and since 1999, Parti keADILan Nasional (keADILan).
2
Women in Malaysian Politics
In 2002, Malaysia had three women in full ministerial positions: the Minister of Women and Family Development, the Minister of International Trade and Industry and the Minister of Welfare and National Unity. In addition, women occupy other significant governmental posts that include deputy ministers, political secretaries, diplomats, senior civil servants, elected members of various state assemblies, and senators in the Dewan Negara. In the Dewan Rakyat, there are now 20 women members of parliament, out of 193 total members. If the number of elected women MPs is an indicator, there has been a slow improvement in the status and position of women in Malaysian politics.
Nevertheless, the presence of women in Malaysia’s decision making process is still far from satisfactory. Some women leaders have talked of gender parity in this context. And for the time being, women still find themselves underrepresented in Malaysian political institutions.
Table 1: Women Members of Parliament in Malaysia from 1955 to 1999
Election Year 1955 1959 1964 1969 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1995 1999
Total
Parliamentary
Seats 52 104 104 144 154 154 154 177 180 192 193
Women MPs 1 3 3 2 5 7 8 7 11 15 20
% 2.00 2.90 2.90 1.38 3.25 4.54 5.19 3.95 6.11 7.80 10.36
Source: Rashila Ramli. 2000. "Modernisasi Politik: Ke Arah Keseimbangan Gender dalam Penyertaan Politik?” In Abdul
Rahman Embong (ed.), Negara, Pasaran dan Pemodenan Malaysia. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, pp. 198-
213.
There are at least five factors that form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics: subliminal discrimination against women; time
constraints; the notion that “a woman’s place is at home”; natural apathy and
aversion to political involvement and lack of adequate resources.
According to Rashila and Saliha3 there are at least five common factors which form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics. They classify the factors as, social discrimination against women’s roles in the public
domain, time constraints due to career and domestic demands, cultural and religious arguments that a woman’s place is
in the home, structural constraints within each political party that do not allow women to advance beyond a certain
level, and lack of adequate resources in terms of organizational support, personal influence and finance. Contrary to
popular misperceptions, an understanding of Islamic concepts leads one to appreciate the liberating possibilities afforded
by the teachings of the religion. In many cases, religion has empowered and enabled women to reach their full potential
and capabilities just as much as men. The experience of Malay women at the turn of the last century is a case in point.
Muslim Women and ‘Reformasi’
In the past, Malay women have been active in the public sphere. Che Siti Wan Kembang was a female ruler of the state
of Kelantan on the east coast of peninsular Malaysia in the seventeenth century. History tells us that Malay women were
also rulers of the kingdom of Aceh.4 For example, Ratu Shafiuddin, the daughter of Sultan Iskandar Thani, ascended to
the throne after the death of her husband, Sultan Iskandar Muda. In fact, Aceh was ruled by a succession of queens for
the next fifty years. On the islands of Maluku and Sulawesi, there were other Malay women rulers.
A century ago, Muslim reformers like Syed Sheikh Al Hadi, Sheikh Tahir Jalaluddin and their contemporaries in the
progressive Islamic movement - popularly known as the Kaum Muda - spread the idea that Malay Muslim girls should
receive the best of modern education along with the boys.5 Although initially these ideas encountered some opposition
from the more conservative minded, Malay society in general embraced this suggestion with open arms. Thus, even
before independence, Malay Muslim society adopted this liberal attitude towards its women and an open atmosphere
which encouraged education and the role of women in the public sphere. Since then, we have had women in the civil
service and in the corporate sector who have attained senior positions.
Therefore, unlike other societies, there does not appear to be confusion or significant conflict in terms of the roles
played by women in Malaysia. Our society has been fortunate in that we had these visionary scholars and intellectuals
3
who opened up avenues for women more than a century ago. In many cases, Islam has empowered and enabled women
to reach their full potential and capabilities just as much as men. In fact, in Malaysia the most politicized and politically
active group of women has always been the Malay Muslims.6
After independence, the first Malaysian woman to become a minister was Fatimah Haji Hashim, who was appointed
to be Minister for Welfare by the country’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman. Since then, women have tended
to be assigned either to ministries seen as “suitable” to their roles, such as the Ministry of Welfare or the Ministry of
Women and Family Development, or to junior ministries such as Culture, Youth and Sports, now realigned to become
the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts.7
The only woman who has been given a senior ministerial post is Rafidah Aziz who was appointed Minister of
International Trade and Industry in 1987. Even now, the proportion of women ministers or deputies, compared to men,
is very small, and still far behind the developed world.8
There is no quota system in Malaysia to increase women's political representation. At the party level, women are only
beginning to take up important positions. In the ruling party UMNO, there is only one elected woman member out of
the about forty members on its supreme council, while Parti keADILan has eight women elected its leadership council.
Besides the eight women leaders elected to the policymaking body of keADILan (including the president and the
treasurer), two keADILan state committees (in Sabah and Sarawak) are also headed by women.9
However, what is more important is that the dual political and economic crises of September 1998,10 acted as a
catalyst in galvanizing the latent public mood for reform (reformasi). These events also helped sensitize women to take a
more active interest in the country’s social, economic and political domains. This is proven by the active role of women
in the reformasi movement since that year. Women have clearly played at least an equal role with men in activating
programs carried out in the quest for change.
Women played an important and active role in the reform movement,
sensitizing them to become more active in participating in the country’s social,
economic and political issues.
Over the past three years, we can see the continuing role played by women in sustaining the endeavors for a more open,
just, and equitable society. The vigor with which they are carrying out these efforts disproves the often quoted cliché
that women are fickle and easily swayed. The sheer perseverance and tenacity of women in this struggle has in fact
resulted in a very natural bonding or synergy in generating strength and enthusiasm to work towards a fairer and more
just society and government in Malaysia.
As part of this effort, it is necessary to establish an alternative agenda that includes enabling women to maximize their
potential in contributing to their personal well-being and to the development of their society. It is necessary to create an
alternative forum that goes beyond tokenism that does not just use women as an accessory of the political machinery to
bring in the votes during elections. If women are enabled to maximize their potential, they will be able to contribute to
the empowerment of all citizens in society. This can happen without denigrating the social, cultural or religious
obligations that are part of every woman’s life.
While women’s positions in politics are one aspect contributing to development, it is important to remember the role
women play in other sectors of society. Malaysia’s experience has shown that any discussion on the role of women in
politics cannot be confined to only representation in formal institutions. A great number of women, after having pursued
their education to tertiary levels, choose to become homemakers. Although they may not be occupying formal positions
commensurate with their training, they are also contributing to the development of society by bringing up their children
and family in a more enlightened environment.
The common definitions of democracy and politics generally do not lend themselves to a woman-friendly approach.
The linking of ideas of democracy and gender is still an arena that needs to be further explored.
Obstacles Faced by Women in Parliament
The numerous problems facing women who enter politics in Malaysia deters many from political involvement.
Dual Burden
Women themselves are less assertive and often have to shoulder additional burdens, juggling domestic responsibilities
and career concerns thereby making it hard for any but the most determined to succeed. However, a more relaxed
4
attitude is discernable among the younger generation and men now appear to be more willing to see women as partners
in both the domestic and professional spheres. Since political leaders tend to be middle-aged, it will perhaps be some
years before this change is reflected at the highest levels of politics.
Political Parties
The nature of political parties also hinders the political involvement of women. In general, it can perhaps be observed
that the comfortably entrenched parties tend to adhere to more conservative attitudes, failing to see and adapt to the
fairly radical changes taking place in society. It is the more dynamic alternative or opposition parties that have on the
whole given greater opportunity to women. Also, many political parties have few resources to devote to training and
education, including for women, because of the multiple pressures applied by those in authority.
Deterring Environment for Women
It is sad to note that female MPs and women representatives in the various state assemblies still face sexual harassment in
the form of disparaging remarks and offensive jokes made during parliamentary or state assembly sessions. There has
been no effective action taken to ameliorate such abusive practices and both female and male members of parliament
have not been successful in making any concerted effort to change the situation. Another reason keeping women away
from politics is that they often consider it as a male realm, and are often daunted by the hypocrisy and "dirty game" of
politics.
Strategies to Open Access for Women in Politics
Considering the conditions above, it is necessary to explore the strategies that women employ to access the public sphere
in the context of a patriarchal socio-political system. There are women who have been successful in subverting the
boundaries of gender, and in operating in a very aggressive male-dominated sphere. Could other women learn from this
example? It is important to note that many of the women who have been successful come from a background in the
political elite. Their background and class is perhaps the most important factor in their successful inclusion into the
political system. We can, however, examine whether socio-political movements provide opportunities for women to use
certain strategies that might be able to subvert the gender hierarchy in politics.
Certain forms of support within the society are important for the development of women’s role in politics, and there
are already many success stories of this type.
The most important is political awareness. Muslim women who had until recently been relatively invisible in the
public sphere are suddenly filling up meeting halls and organising campaigns for women’s rights, civil rights, human
rights, and for democracy. Prominent among them were women from the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM),
Jemaah Islah Malaysia (JIM) and various civil society NGOs like Tenaganita and Suaram.
The second is education, which provides the core of informed and competent female opinion. Thirdly, there are now
many women holding senior positions in the country’s civil service. This has ensured women’s input in the planning and
implementation of government policy.
Many of the NGOs aligned themselves with keADILan, and by extension, the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif or
BA), which is a coalition of opposition parties -keADILan, PAS, DAP and PRM - in the fiercely contested 1999 general
elections. Hajjah Zainon Jaafar (ABIM), Fuziah Salleh (JIM), Irene Fernandez (Tenaganita) and Zaiton Kasim
(Women’s Candidacy Initiative) were picked to contest on the BA platform. Such alignment between civil society
activists and political parties has come to be regarded as a feature of “new politics” in Malaysia post-1998.
It is also important to remember that we should look beyond the often
asked question of how to increase the numbers of women in parliament, and
move towards presenting examples and experiences of how women can
impact on the political process while working through a parliamentary
structure.
Malaysia, like any other country, needs to have balanced male/female representation in the public sphere, including
politics, so that women can participate in high-level decision-making. Having women at the highest levels of decisionmaking
not only means the articulation of issues generally perceived to be women’s issues, but ensures that the interests
and needs of women, who are half of the population, are given due weight and consideration. Beyond that, the presence
of women at these levels will mean that women’s perspectives will be easier to hear and more highly valued in national
discussions, in the direction of creating a more just, open, fair and equitable society. Without a sufficiently visible, if not
5
proportionate, presence in the political system - i.e. "threshold representation" - a group's ability to influence either
policy-making, or indeed the framing of political culture, is limited.
A Political Credo
On a personal note, I would like to end by mentioning that I never aspired nor dreamed that I would be occupying my
current position, in helping to bring about change in society. Some commentators have mentioned that it is a unique
position, borne out of exceptional circumstances that befell the country when the cataclysmic events of 1998 gave rise to
a public outcry for reform.
The experience in Malaysia has shown that women tend to take a greater interest in politics in times of crisis.
Certainly, Malaysian women have responded strongly to the events surrounding the political persecution of leaders of the
opposition. One of the most gratifying aspects of keADILan’s popularity is that a substantial proportion of its supporters
are women. As daughters, sisters, wives and mothers, they could readily empathize with the victims of abuses. As an
“accidental” politician, I share the view that the struggle for justice must be continued even outside the sanctioned
perimeters of elections held once every five years.
The cause of justice must be fought for vigorously at all times so as to create ultimately a government and society that
is not only just but that provides dignity to the people. Although my journey into politics was not a deliberate and
concerted plan, everyone has the right to use the arena of electoral politics to promote their cause. My cause is justice,
especially for women, and for the disenfranchised and other marginalized groups in society. I sincerely believe in what
the great sages have said throughout history, that the journey of a thousand miles starts with the first step. A Chinese
proverb has it that a mountain is made up of many pebbles and that the ocean consists of millions of drops of water. In
short, whatever the adversities and obstacles placed in our paths, Malaysia’s women will answer with the universal chorus
of common humanity: we shall overcome.
Endnotes
1. The states are Perlis, Kedah, Pulau Pinang, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Johor, Pahang, Terengganu
and Kelantan.
2. 61 percent are indigenous Malay (bumiputra), i.e. 50 percent Malays on peninsular Malaysia who are Muslims while
the other 11 percent are Malays from Sabah and Sarawak, of whom some are Muslim but many are Christians and
animist. Thirty percent are Chinese, nine percent are Indians and other mainly non-Muslim.
3. Rashila Ramli and Saliha Hassan. 1998. "Trends and Forms of Women's Participation in Politics." In Sharifah
Zaleha Syed Hassan (ed.), Malaysian Women In The Wake Of Change. Kuala Lumpur: Gender Studies Programme,
Universiti Malaya. Pp. 88-104.
4. Aceh is now part of Indonesia, on the island of Sumatra, but was a powerful Malay state before the colonial period.
5. These men were notable religious scholars and modernist intellectuals who had received their education at the
prestigious Al-Azhar University in Cairo. While they were in Cairo, they came into contact with the reformist and
universalist ideas of, among others, Muhammed Abduh, Rashid Ridha and Jamaluddin al-Afghani.
6. In the period leading to national independence in 1957 these included Shamsiah Fakeh who led the Angkatan
Wanita Sedar (AWAS) towards the end of the Japanese Occupation until it was proscribed by the British in 1948,
and others in UMNO’s women’s wing such as Khatijah Sidek, Ibu Zain, Aishah Ghani and Fatimah Hj Hashim.
Fatimah was the first woman minister in independent Malaya.
7. The ministers are: Welfare - Fatimah Hj. Hashim, Aishah Ghani, Napsiah Omar (Deputy Minister); Ministry of
Women and Family Development - Shahrizat Jalil; Culture, Youth and Sports - Rosemary Chong – Deputy
Minister, which has now realigned to become the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts - Ng Yen Yen – Deputy
Minister.
8. It also appears that the women appointed to executive positions in the government are seen as having been rewarded
for securing the support of women voters. In other words, the appointment of some women is not seen as based on
their personal qualities or professional capabilities.
9. Dato’ Hafsah Harun (a former State Minister) and Datin Saidatul Badru (the daughter of a former Chief Minister
and Governor) are the leaders for keADILan in Sarawak and Sabah respectively.
10. This includes Anwar Ibrahim’s abrupt dismissal from his position as deputy minister, and his physical assault two
weeks later by the Inspector General of Police, while he was blindfolded and had his hands handcuffed behind his
back.
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Tan Sri Datin Paduka Seri Dr. Aishah Ghani (lahir 15 Disember 1923) ialah Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat Malaysia antara 1973 dan 1984, serta Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia antara tahun 1972 sehingga 1984.
Pendidikan
Dilahirkan di Kampung Sungai Serai, Hulu Langat, Selangor, Aishah memperoleh pendidikan awalnya di Sekolah Melayu Bukit Raya, Cheras, Selangor dan menyertai sekolah menengah di Diniyah Puteri, Padang Panjang, Sumatera Barat, Indonesia, dari tahun 1936 hingga 1939. Pada tahun 1940 hingga 1943, beliau menyertai Maktab Perguruan Tinggi Islam di Padang, Sumatera Barat, dan kemudiannya pergi ke London pada April 1955 dan memperoleh ijazah kewartawanannya dari Politeknik Regent Street di London pada Disember 1958.
Kerjaya politik
Penglibatan Aishah dalam bidang politik bermula sebaik sahaja Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) ditubuhkan pada tahun 1945, dan beliau menjadi Ahli Jawatankuasa dan sekaligus mengetuai sayap wanita yang dipanggil Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS). Ketika itu, beliau juga bertugas sebagai wartawan Pelita Malaya, lidah rasmi PKMM.
Aishah keluar daripada AWAS pada tahun 1946 (AWAS kemudian diharamkan oleh kerajaan pada tahun 1948) dan menyertai perhimpunan yang menuntut kemerdekaan di Kelab Sultan Sulaiman, Kuala Lumpur, pada Mac tahun yang sama. Beliau menyertai UMNO Kampung Baru pada tahun 1949 dan dilantik sebagai Setiausaha.
Sekembalinya Aishah dari kursusnya di London pada tahun 1959, beliau bertugas sekali lagi sebagai wartawan, kali ini untuk Berita Harian, serta sebagai penyunting di Kumpulan Akhbar New Straits Times. Beliau meletakkan kedua-dua jawatannya pada tahun 1963 apabila beliau menjadi Ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO serta Naib Ketua Wanita UMNO, dan dilantik sebagai aenator wanita yang pertama di Malaysia serta wakil wanita Malaysia yang pertama ke Perhimpunan Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB). Dari tahun 1967 hingga 1972, Aishah menjadi wakil Malaysia ke Persidangan Suruhanjaya Taraf Wanita PBB. Beliau juga menyandang jawatan Setiausaha Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Negeri Selangor antara tahun 1960 hingga 1972.
Pada tahun 1972, Aishah dipilih menjadi Ketua Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia, satu pertubuhan yang beliau mengetuai selama 12 tahun sehingga 1984. Pada 1 Mac 1973, beliau dilantik sebagai Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat selepas persaraan Tun Tan Sri Dr. Fatimah dan memegang jawatan ini selama 11 tahun sebelum menamatkan khidmatnya pada tahun 1984. Semasa menyandang jawatan Menteri Kebajikan Masyarakat, beliau melancarkan Yayasan Kebajikan Negara, sebuah pertubuhan yang masih berfungsi pada hari ini. Aishah ialah Pengerusi Tetap Pergerakan Wanita UMNO Malaysia sejak tahun 1986 hingga sekarang.
Selepas politik
Selepas kerjaya politiknya, Aishah menyandang jawatan Pengerusi Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia (1985-1997), Ahli Jawatankuasa Yayasan Tun Abdul Razak, serta Pengerusi Pusat Perlindungan Wanita Darsaadah. Selain itu, beliau juga merupakan Pengerusi Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad sejak penubuhannya pada tahun 1975.
Seakan-akan ini tidak mencukupi, Aishah juga menumpukan masanya dalam bidang perniagaan, dan merupakan pengerusi dan/atau pengarah untuk sekurang-kurang tujuh syarikat sendirian berhad.
Anugerah
1971: Johan Mangku Negara (J.M.N.) oleh Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1978: Darjah Dato' Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Kedua (D.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka' oleh Kerajaan Selangor
1985: Panglima Mangku Negara (P.M.N.) yang membawa gelaran 'Tan Sri' oleh Sri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong
1986: Ijazah Kehormat Kedoktoran Undang-undang oleh Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM)
1999: Darjah Seri Paduka Mahkota Selangor Kelas Pertama (S.P.M.S.) yang membawa gelaran 'Datin Paduka Seri' oleh DYMM Sultan Selangor
2002: Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Falsafah Sains Politik oleh Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM).
Hard road for visionary leader
Aishah Ghani: Never regretted her hard life in politics and fight for Malaysian independence. Picture: Bernama KUALA LUMPUR, 7 Mac -- WANITA BERHATI WAJA ... "Peranan kaum ibu dan orang lelaki sama," demikian kata tokoh politik veteran Tan Sri Aishah Ghani, 83, dalam wawancara dengan Bernama mengenai peranan kaum wanita dalam perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan ketik
Melati Mohd AriffKUALA LUMPUR
Thursday, March 8, 2007
AT AGE 12, Aishah Ghani left her homeland to study in Sumatra. She went away with a heavy heart that day in 1935, but despite the tears at the receding image of her mother, there was a sense of satisfaction that she was doing the right thing."During that time, girls were married off young. They couldn't even think of continuing their studies," she says. "I learnt to be independent by 12, and from the outset I was inclined toward politics. It's only right that what we undergo becomes the catalyst to what we advocate," says Aishah, who turned 83 last December. She's not an idle senior citizen either. The Koperasi Jaya Murni Wanita Berhad chairman since 1974 makes it a point to come to office daily. It's her routine to be at her office from 9.30am to noon or evening. She has been active in politics for almost half a century. Her mind is still sharp when responding to questions on Merdeka and the fate of the Malays.Aishah was exposed to the true meaning of patriotism and nationalistic aspirations when she was studying at the all-girls religious school Diniyah Puteri in Padang Panjang. Indonesia, at the time, was under the Dutch and Aishah witnessed and felt the vigour of Indonesian nationalism and the fight for self-determination.Aishah recalls that the school's 700 students displayed high spirits though many had never seen their fathers who were banished by the Dutch."Many Indonesians were forced to become labourers as they could not afford the head tax imposed by the Dutch colonial government. From my school, I could see the Dutch army troops whipping the labourers."There were many freedom-fighters in Indonesia. We were often reminded that we would remain as long as we were still under Dutch rule. We were told to think of independence and participate in whatever movement to seek independence," continues Aishah, adding that she and her contemporaries were free to discuss politics and had access to many books on the subject.Aishah continued her education at the Islamic Teachers' Training College (1940-43) in Padang and then went on to London where she took up journalism at the Regent Street Polytechnic in 1955. At that time she was already married to Abdul Aziz Abu Hassan and had three children."I knew that we had to be equipped to succeed and learning English was important. To be prepared to fight for independence, I had to master English." Aishah was initially a teacher, serving in Lenggeng, Negri Sembilan during the Japanese Occupation. Once she had a very high fever and no medication. "I can't even describe how difficult the situation was then, you couldn't find rice, food, clothing and medicine. If you survived the Japanese Occupation you should count yourself lucky."However, her career as a journalist was more eventful. She started off with Pelita Malaya, the official publication of Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). She was also a Berita Harian reporter from 1959 to 1963.On her involvement in politics, which began during Malaysia's road to independence, she says she has no regrets despite all kinds of tribulations. Aishah is a noted figure in the nation's political landscape, perhaps because there are not many Malay women during her days who can rival her achievement. Her involvement in Pergerakan Kaum Ibu (the precursor of Wanita Umno) was momentous.Prior to her distinguished role in Umno, Aishah was the head of Angkatan Wanita Sedar (Awas), the left wing of PKMM. In 1949, she joined Umno in Kampung Baru and was appointed secretary of Pergerakan Kaum Ibu Kuala Lumpur, which was interrupted when she took up journalism in London from 1955 to 1959.From 1960 to 1972, she was the deputy head of the Pergerakan Kaum Ibu and as the Secretary of Selangor Wanita Umno and also the only female member of the Umno Supreme Council. She took over the helm of Wanita Umno in 1972 after defeating Tun Fatimah Hashim who had held the post for 16 years. Aishah remained the lynchpin of the organisation until 1984.In 1963, Aishah became the first woman to be appointed senator, and on March 1, 1973, was appointed the Welfare Minister. Aishah was also bestowed many awards and was conferred a "Tan Sri" title in 1985.Women have contributed significantly to Malaysia's independence. Aishah provided an example where, during the stand-off against the Malayan Union, 10 years before Merdeka, the women came out in full force to join in the demonstrations."The role played by the men and women are the same. The women were frightened by the bad experience they had to go through during the Japanese Occupation. If women had just sat at home, they wouldn't have contributed much."Therefore after the war, when invited to stand up against Malayan Union, they came out in full force despite difficulties. "They carried children on the hips, spent their money, walked for miles. The women folk were never left out in the fight for Merdeka. They were strong supporters of the male leaders." Aishah's life is full of trials and tribulations, beginning with her journey to seek knowledge, living through the British and Japanese Occupations and her involvement in the nation's politics.Therefore when asked how she feels as the nation will soon be celebrating its 50th anniversary, she replied: "Definitely I'm thankful to Allah, moreover in this advanced age I'm still able to celebrate the nation's 50th Merdeka anniversary."I'm humbled because I will be among the citizens who will celebrate 50 years of nationhood. "Probably there are not many from my generation who have the opportunity to do so. As for me I have been around when the nation was conceived, born and emerged as a prosperous and developed nation." Aishah says the struggle for independence by the freedom-fighters of yesteryears was not wasted as it gave rise to a nation that promised a glorious future as long as the citizens stay united and provide support.Yet, despite the 50th Merdeka celebration euphoria and the satisfaction she derived from her involvement in politics and Umno, Aishah is sad because the Malays are yet to fully benefit from the independence."We are still left out from the 30 per cent Bumiputera equity target. It remains at 18 per cent. Our hopes of seeing the Malays being at par with the other races remain a dream though various policies in favour of them have been formulated by the succeeding leaders," she says.In Aishah's honest view, she attributes this shortcoming to the Malays' attitude and mentality."The new found luxuries and too much entertainment have made the Malays complacent and they are not aware of their responsibilities. "Their lifestyle is neither forward-looking nor well-planned," says Aishah earnestly. Bernama
Source URL:http://www.bt.com.bn/en/en/classification/life/faces/2007/03/08/hard_road_for_visionary_leader
Title:
Tan Sri Aishah Ghani /E-man.
Author:
E-man
Publisher:
Kuala Lumpur :Cipta Publishing,2007.
Physical:
52 p. :ill. col. ;30 cm.
Notes:
Summary:
Subjects:
Cabinet officersMalaysiaBiographyPoliticiansMalaysiaBiographyAishah Haji Abdul Ghani,Tan Sri, Datin Paduka Hajah,1924-
Language:
Malay
Call Number:
RAC 959.505092 EMA
(International IDEA, 2002, Women in Parliament, Stockholm (http://www.idea.int). This is an English translation of Wan Azizah, “Perempuan dalam Politik: Refleksi dari Malaysia,” in International IDEA, 2002, Perempuan di Parlemen: Bukan Sekedar Jumlah,Stockholm: International IDEA, pp. 191-202. (This translation may vary slightly from the original text. If there are discrepancies in the meaning, the original Bahasa-Indonesia version is the definitive text).
Case Study
Women in Politics: Reflections from Malaysia
W a n Az i z a h
Women constitute half of humanity, and it follows that any decision-making, whether at the personal, family, societal or public levels, should be mindful of and involve the participation of women in the making of those decisions. Women’s political, social and economic rights are an integral and inseparable part of their human rights. Democracy is an inclusive process, and therefore in a functioning democracy, the points of view of different interest groups must be taken into account in formulating any decision. The interest and opinions of men, women and minorities must be part of that decision-making process.
Yet far from being included in the decision-making process, women find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Numerous challenges confront women entering politics. Among them are lack of party support, family support and the "masculine model" of political life. Many feel that Malaysian society is still male dominated, and men are threatened by the idea of women holding senior posts. In the political sphere this is compounded by the high premium placed on political power. This makes some men even less willing to share power with women. Based on the Malaysian experience, this case study will explore some of the obstacles that hinder the participation of women in
parliament, and propose strategies that may be used to overcome them.
The Malaysian Context
Malaysia is a federation of thirteen states and three federal territories. Nine of the states are headed by sultans, the other four by governors appointed by the king, known as Yang Dipertuan Agong (YDPA). The YDPA is elected from among the sultans by the Council of Rulers made up of the sultans themselves. The position is rotated among them for a fiveyear term. The YDPA rules with the advice of the prime minister and the sultans rule in their various states with the advice of their chief ministers. Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy that follows a system of parliamentary democracy.
The prime minister and chief ministers are elected by the people through general elections held regularly every five years.
The current YDPA is the twelfth since the nation’s independence on 31 August 1957. At independence the nation was made up of eleven states1 and was called the Federation of Malaya. In 1963, Sabah and Sarawak joined the Federation to form the Federation of Malaysia.
Women constitute over 50 percent of Malaysia’s 23 million people. Famed as a multi-ethnic country, rich in its variety of cultures, Malaysia’s population is made up of more than 30 ethnic groups2. Less than eight percent of the population was classified as living below poverty line before the 1997 economic crisis; the literacy rate is above 85 percent and life expectancy is comparable to developed countries. It has a bicameral parliamentary system composed of a lower house (Dewan Rakyat) and upper house (Dewan Negara). While members of the Dewan Rakyat are elected, members of the Dewan Negara are appointed either by the states or directly by the YDPA acting on the advice of the prime minister.
The National Front (Barisan Nasional or BN), a coalition of about fifteen political parties established in 1974 in the aftermath of 13 May 1969 racial riots, forms the government. BN’s core members, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), that earlier formed the Alliance Party (1955-1974), have been at the helm of the government since the country’s independence. While BN dominates Malaysian mainstream politics and the parliament with an almost unbroken record of two-thirds majority or more, the nation has credible opposition parties, including the Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) and since 1999, Parti keADILan Nasional (keADILan).
2
Women in Malaysian Politics
In 2002, Malaysia had three women in full ministerial positions: the Minister of Women and Family Development, the Minister of International Trade and Industry and the Minister of Welfare and National Unity. In addition, women occupy other significant governmental posts that include deputy ministers, political secretaries, diplomats, senior civil servants, elected members of various state assemblies, and senators in the Dewan Negara. In the Dewan Rakyat, there are now 20 women members of parliament, out of 193 total members. If the number of elected women MPs is an indicator, there has been a slow improvement in the status and position of women in Malaysian politics.
Nevertheless, the presence of women in Malaysia’s decision making process is still far from satisfactory. Some women leaders have talked of gender parity in this context. And for the time being, women still find themselves underrepresented in Malaysian political institutions.
Table 1: Women Members of Parliament in Malaysia from 1955 to 1999
Election Year 1955 1959 1964 1969 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1995 1999
Total
Parliamentary
Seats 52 104 104 144 154 154 154 177 180 192 193
Women MPs 1 3 3 2 5 7 8 7 11 15 20
% 2.00 2.90 2.90 1.38 3.25 4.54 5.19 3.95 6.11 7.80 10.36
Source: Rashila Ramli. 2000. "Modernisasi Politik: Ke Arah Keseimbangan Gender dalam Penyertaan Politik?” In Abdul
Rahman Embong (ed.), Negara, Pasaran dan Pemodenan Malaysia. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, pp. 198-
213.
There are at least five factors that form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics: subliminal discrimination against women; time
constraints; the notion that “a woman’s place is at home”; natural apathy and
aversion to political involvement and lack of adequate resources.
According to Rashila and Saliha3 there are at least five common factors which form obstacles to Malaysian women’s
active participation in politics. They classify the factors as, social discrimination against women’s roles in the public
domain, time constraints due to career and domestic demands, cultural and religious arguments that a woman’s place is
in the home, structural constraints within each political party that do not allow women to advance beyond a certain
level, and lack of adequate resources in terms of organizational support, personal influence and finance. Contrary to
popular misperceptions, an understanding of Islamic concepts leads one to appreciate the liberating possibilities afforded
by the teachings of the religion. In many cases, religion has empowered and enabled women to reach their full potential
and capabilities just as much as men. The experience of Malay women at the turn of the last century is a case in point.
Muslim Women and ‘Reformasi’
In the past, Malay women have been active in the public sphere. Che Siti Wan Kembang was a female ruler of the state
of Kelantan on the east coast of peninsular Malaysia in the seventeenth century. History tells us that Malay women were
also rulers of the kingdom of Aceh.4 For example, Ratu Shafiuddin, the daughter of Sultan Iskandar Thani, ascended to
the throne after the death of her husband, Sultan Iskandar Muda. In fact, Aceh was ruled by a succession of queens for
the next fifty years. On the islands of Maluku and Sulawesi, there were other Malay women rulers.
A century ago, Muslim reformers like Syed Sheikh Al Hadi, Sheikh Tahir Jalaluddin and their contemporaries in the
progressive Islamic movement - popularly known as the Kaum Muda - spread the idea that Malay Muslim girls should
receive the best of modern education along with the boys.5 Although initially these ideas encountered some opposition
from the more conservative minded, Malay society in general embraced this suggestion with open arms. Thus, even
before independence, Malay Muslim society adopted this liberal attitude towards its women and an open atmosphere
which encouraged education and the role of women in the public sphere. Since then, we have had women in the civil
service and in the corporate sector who have attained senior positions.
Therefore, unlike other societies, there does not appear to be confusion or significant conflict in terms of the roles
played by women in Malaysia. Our society has been fortunate in that we had these visionary scholars and intellectuals
3
who opened up avenues for women more than a century ago. In many cases, Islam has empowered and enabled women
to reach their full potential and capabilities just as much as men. In fact, in Malaysia the most politicized and politically
active group of women has always been the Malay Muslims.6
After independence, the first Malaysian woman to become a minister was Fatimah Haji Hashim, who was appointed
to be Minister for Welfare by the country’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman. Since then, women have tended
to be assigned either to ministries seen as “suitable” to their roles, such as the Ministry of Welfare or the Ministry of
Women and Family Development, or to junior ministries such as Culture, Youth and Sports, now realigned to become
the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts.7
The only woman who has been given a senior ministerial post is Rafidah Aziz who was appointed Minister of
International Trade and Industry in 1987. Even now, the proportion of women ministers or deputies, compared to men,
is very small, and still far behind the developed world.8
There is no quota system in Malaysia to increase women's political representation. At the party level, women are only
beginning to take up important positions. In the ruling party UMNO, there is only one elected woman member out of
the about forty members on its supreme council, while Parti keADILan has eight women elected its leadership council.
Besides the eight women leaders elected to the policymaking body of keADILan (including the president and the
treasurer), two keADILan state committees (in Sabah and Sarawak) are also headed by women.9
However, what is more important is that the dual political and economic crises of September 1998,10 acted as a
catalyst in galvanizing the latent public mood for reform (reformasi). These events also helped sensitize women to take a
more active interest in the country’s social, economic and political domains. This is proven by the active role of women
in the reformasi movement since that year. Women have clearly played at least an equal role with men in activating
programs carried out in the quest for change.
Women played an important and active role in the reform movement,
sensitizing them to become more active in participating in the country’s social,
economic and political issues.
Over the past three years, we can see the continuing role played by women in sustaining the endeavors for a more open,
just, and equitable society. The vigor with which they are carrying out these efforts disproves the often quoted cliché
that women are fickle and easily swayed. The sheer perseverance and tenacity of women in this struggle has in fact
resulted in a very natural bonding or synergy in generating strength and enthusiasm to work towards a fairer and more
just society and government in Malaysia.
As part of this effort, it is necessary to establish an alternative agenda that includes enabling women to maximize their
potential in contributing to their personal well-being and to the development of their society. It is necessary to create an
alternative forum that goes beyond tokenism that does not just use women as an accessory of the political machinery to
bring in the votes during elections. If women are enabled to maximize their potential, they will be able to contribute to
the empowerment of all citizens in society. This can happen without denigrating the social, cultural or religious
obligations that are part of every woman’s life.
While women’s positions in politics are one aspect contributing to development, it is important to remember the role
women play in other sectors of society. Malaysia’s experience has shown that any discussion on the role of women in
politics cannot be confined to only representation in formal institutions. A great number of women, after having pursued
their education to tertiary levels, choose to become homemakers. Although they may not be occupying formal positions
commensurate with their training, they are also contributing to the development of society by bringing up their children
and family in a more enlightened environment.
The common definitions of democracy and politics generally do not lend themselves to a woman-friendly approach.
The linking of ideas of democracy and gender is still an arena that needs to be further explored.
Obstacles Faced by Women in Parliament
The numerous problems facing women who enter politics in Malaysia deters many from political involvement.
Dual Burden
Women themselves are less assertive and often have to shoulder additional burdens, juggling domestic responsibilities
and career concerns thereby making it hard for any but the most determined to succeed. However, a more relaxed
4
attitude is discernable among the younger generation and men now appear to be more willing to see women as partners
in both the domestic and professional spheres. Since political leaders tend to be middle-aged, it will perhaps be some
years before this change is reflected at the highest levels of politics.
Political Parties
The nature of political parties also hinders the political involvement of women. In general, it can perhaps be observed
that the comfortably entrenched parties tend to adhere to more conservative attitudes, failing to see and adapt to the
fairly radical changes taking place in society. It is the more dynamic alternative or opposition parties that have on the
whole given greater opportunity to women. Also, many political parties have few resources to devote to training and
education, including for women, because of the multiple pressures applied by those in authority.
Deterring Environment for Women
It is sad to note that female MPs and women representatives in the various state assemblies still face sexual harassment in
the form of disparaging remarks and offensive jokes made during parliamentary or state assembly sessions. There has
been no effective action taken to ameliorate such abusive practices and both female and male members of parliament
have not been successful in making any concerted effort to change the situation. Another reason keeping women away
from politics is that they often consider it as a male realm, and are often daunted by the hypocrisy and "dirty game" of
politics.
Strategies to Open Access for Women in Politics
Considering the conditions above, it is necessary to explore the strategies that women employ to access the public sphere
in the context of a patriarchal socio-political system. There are women who have been successful in subverting the
boundaries of gender, and in operating in a very aggressive male-dominated sphere. Could other women learn from this
example? It is important to note that many of the women who have been successful come from a background in the
political elite. Their background and class is perhaps the most important factor in their successful inclusion into the
political system. We can, however, examine whether socio-political movements provide opportunities for women to use
certain strategies that might be able to subvert the gender hierarchy in politics.
Certain forms of support within the society are important for the development of women’s role in politics, and there
are already many success stories of this type.
The most important is political awareness. Muslim women who had until recently been relatively invisible in the
public sphere are suddenly filling up meeting halls and organising campaigns for women’s rights, civil rights, human
rights, and for democracy. Prominent among them were women from the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM),
Jemaah Islah Malaysia (JIM) and various civil society NGOs like Tenaganita and Suaram.
The second is education, which provides the core of informed and competent female opinion. Thirdly, there are now
many women holding senior positions in the country’s civil service. This has ensured women’s input in the planning and
implementation of government policy.
Many of the NGOs aligned themselves with keADILan, and by extension, the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif or
BA), which is a coalition of opposition parties -keADILan, PAS, DAP and PRM - in the fiercely contested 1999 general
elections. Hajjah Zainon Jaafar (ABIM), Fuziah Salleh (JIM), Irene Fernandez (Tenaganita) and Zaiton Kasim
(Women’s Candidacy Initiative) were picked to contest on the BA platform. Such alignment between civil society
activists and political parties has come to be regarded as a feature of “new politics” in Malaysia post-1998.
It is also important to remember that we should look beyond the often
asked question of how to increase the numbers of women in parliament, and
move towards presenting examples and experiences of how women can
impact on the political process while working through a parliamentary
structure.
Malaysia, like any other country, needs to have balanced male/female representation in the public sphere, including
politics, so that women can participate in high-level decision-making. Having women at the highest levels of decisionmaking
not only means the articulation of issues generally perceived to be women’s issues, but ensures that the interests
and needs of women, who are half of the population, are given due weight and consideration. Beyond that, the presence
of women at these levels will mean that women’s perspectives will be easier to hear and more highly valued in national
discussions, in the direction of creating a more just, open, fair and equitable society. Without a sufficiently visible, if not
5
proportionate, presence in the political system - i.e. "threshold representation" - a group's ability to influence either
policy-making, or indeed the framing of political culture, is limited.
A Political Credo
On a personal note, I would like to end by mentioning that I never aspired nor dreamed that I would be occupying my
current position, in helping to bring about change in society. Some commentators have mentioned that it is a unique
position, borne out of exceptional circumstances that befell the country when the cataclysmic events of 1998 gave rise to
a public outcry for reform.
The experience in Malaysia has shown that women tend to take a greater interest in politics in times of crisis.
Certainly, Malaysian women have responded strongly to the events surrounding the political persecution of leaders of the
opposition. One of the most gratifying aspects of keADILan’s popularity is that a substantial proportion of its supporters
are women. As daughters, sisters, wives and mothers, they could readily empathize with the victims of abuses. As an
“accidental” politician, I share the view that the struggle for justice must be continued even outside the sanctioned
perimeters of elections held once every five years.
The cause of justice must be fought for vigorously at all times so as to create ultimately a government and society that
is not only just but that provides dignity to the people. Although my journey into politics was not a deliberate and
concerted plan, everyone has the right to use the arena of electoral politics to promote their cause. My cause is justice,
especially for women, and for the disenfranchised and other marginalized groups in society. I sincerely believe in what
the great sages have said throughout history, that the journey of a thousand miles starts with the first step. A Chinese
proverb has it that a mountain is made up of many pebbles and that the ocean consists of millions of drops of water. In
short, whatever the adversities and obstacles placed in our paths, Malaysia’s women will answer with the universal chorus
of common humanity: we shall overcome.
Endnotes
1. The states are Perlis, Kedah, Pulau Pinang, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Johor, Pahang, Terengganu
and Kelantan.
2. 61 percent are indigenous Malay (bumiputra), i.e. 50 percent Malays on peninsular Malaysia who are Muslims while
the other 11 percent are Malays from Sabah and Sarawak, of whom some are Muslim but many are Christians and
animist. Thirty percent are Chinese, nine percent are Indians and other mainly non-Muslim.
3. Rashila Ramli and Saliha Hassan. 1998. "Trends and Forms of Women's Participation in Politics." In Sharifah
Zaleha Syed Hassan (ed.), Malaysian Women In The Wake Of Change. Kuala Lumpur: Gender Studies Programme,
Universiti Malaya. Pp. 88-104.
4. Aceh is now part of Indonesia, on the island of Sumatra, but was a powerful Malay state before the colonial period.
5. These men were notable religious scholars and modernist intellectuals who had received their education at the
prestigious Al-Azhar University in Cairo. While they were in Cairo, they came into contact with the reformist and
universalist ideas of, among others, Muhammed Abduh, Rashid Ridha and Jamaluddin al-Afghani.
6. In the period leading to national independence in 1957 these included Shamsiah Fakeh who led the Angkatan
Wanita Sedar (AWAS) towards the end of the Japanese Occupation until it was proscribed by the British in 1948,
and others in UMNO’s women’s wing such as Khatijah Sidek, Ibu Zain, Aishah Ghani and Fatimah Hj Hashim.
Fatimah was the first woman minister in independent Malaya.
7. The ministers are: Welfare - Fatimah Hj. Hashim, Aishah Ghani, Napsiah Omar (Deputy Minister); Ministry of
Women and Family Development - Shahrizat Jalil; Culture, Youth and Sports - Rosemary Chong – Deputy
Minister, which has now realigned to become the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Arts - Ng Yen Yen – Deputy
Minister.
8. It also appears that the women appointed to executive positions in the government are seen as having been rewarded
for securing the support of women voters. In other words, the appointment of some women is not seen as based on
their personal qualities or professional capabilities.
9. Dato’ Hafsah Harun (a former State Minister) and Datin Saidatul Badru (the daughter of a former Chief Minister
and Governor) are the leaders for keADILan in Sarawak and Sabah respectively.
10. This includes Anwar Ibrahim’s abrupt dismissal from his position as deputy minister, and his physical assault two
weeks later by the Inspector General of Police, while he was blindfolded and had his hands handcuffed behind his
back.
http://www.idea.int/publications/wip/upload/CS_Malaysia_Azizah.pdf
TAN SRI DATO’ SERI DR AHMAD SARJI ABDUL HAMID
Perutusan Pengerusi IKIM
Pertamanya saya panjatkan ucapan kesyukuran terhadap Allah s.w.t kerana dengan izin-Nya laman web Institut Kefahaman Islam Malaysia (IKIM) ini berjaya dizahirkan juga akhirnya.
Saya dengan sukacitanya mengalu-alukan anda melayari Laman Web Rasmi IKIM ini dan berharap agar anda semua berpuas hati dengan perkhidmatan yang disediakan.
Laman Web Rasmi IKIM merupakan satu mercu tanda bagi penyebaran yang berkesan terhadap "Kefahaman Islam" yang tepat melalui pelbagai usaha dan kegiatan seperti penyelidikan, seminar, bengkel, forum, perundingan, latihan dan penerbitan.
Arus perkembangan dunia ICT yang begitu pesat di dunia tanpa sempadan ini menyaksikan perubahan ketara terhadap ‘teknologi komunikasi' yang membolehkan semua masyarakat dunia mendapatkan sebarang maklumat yang dicari dengan cepat, tepat dan mudah.
Dengan terciptanya laman web ini, pihak IKIM mengalu-alukan era maklumat segera dan tidak terhad ini. Terbinanya laman web ini juga akan memberi peluang kepada masyarakat untuk memperoleh maklumat terkini, dan dapat mengenali IKIM dengan lebih dekat lagi.
Akhir kata, saya merakamkan penghargaan dan ucapan syabas kepada semua warga IKIM yang terlibat secara langsung atau tidak langsung di atas kerjasama dalam menzahirkan dan menjayakan penciptaan laman web rasmi ini.
Insha-Allah, laman web ini akan terus dipertingkatkan dan diperbaiki dari semasa ke semasa.
Tan Sri Dato' Seri (Dr) Ahmad Sarji bin Abdul HamidPengerusi IKIM
TAN SRI DATO' SERI DR AHMAD SARJI ABDUL HAMID - UKM PRO CHANCELLOR
Tan Sri Dato’ Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid was appointed the new Pro-Chancellor of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) for two years effective from 1 September 2006.
Born in Tapah, Perak, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji, 69, graduated with a B.A (Hons.) degree from the University of Malaya (1960); he received his Diploma in Public Administration from the Institute of Social Studies, The Hague (1967) and his Masters in Public Administration from Harvard University, United States of America (1971).
At the Federal level, he has held several important positions as Assistant Secretary, Federal Establishment Office; Assistant Director (Services), Public Service Department and as Secretary to the Cabinet and Constitution Section when Tun Abdul Razak was Prime Minister.
In 1973, he was appointed by the Prime Minister (Tun Abdul Razak bin Hussein) as the first Director-General of the Farmers’ Association Organization. In 1979 he was transferred to the Prime Minister’s Department again to hold the position of Deputy Director-General (Sectoral), Economic Planning Unit; this time for two years.
In 1981, he was appointed to the post of Deputy Chairman and the Director-General of Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA). In the same year, he was transferred to hold the position of Deputy Director General (I) Public Service Department, Malaysia.
He later took up the post of Secretary-General, Ministry of Trade and Industry in 1985 and as Chairman of the Malaysian Industries Development Authority (MIDA). In 1990, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji was appointed to the highest position in the government service as Chief Secretary to the Government and at the same time, was made Secretary to the Cabinet and Head of the Public Service sector.
A prolific writer, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji has written several books on public service, Management, the Farmers’ Organisation, national development and national heritage.
He is also the Chairman of several organisations such as the Institute of Islamic Understanding (IKIM), Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB), SPPK, Sime Darby Berhad, Golden Hope Plantations Berhad, Petaling Garden Berhad and Northport Corporation Berhad.
Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji’s significant contributions in the field of public service in Malaysia have earned him many recognitions and awards, which include the Director of the Year 1999 award from the Malaysian Institute of Directors and the Maal Hijrah Personality Award 1420/1999.
In recognition of his many efforts and contributions in the fields of administration and the public and corporate services, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji has been conferred honorary degrees by several foreign and local universities, such as the Doctor of Science (Management) honorary degree from Universiti Utara Malaysia; Doctor of Business Administration from the Nottingham-Trent University; Doctor of Letters from Universiti Malaysia Sarawak; and Doctor in Management from the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM).
ENAM 6 BOOKS WRITTEN BY AHMAD SARJI ABDUL HAMID
from PELANDUK.com
Civil Service Reforms: Towards Malaysia's Vision 2020
Author : Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 39.00 Buy now!
This book represents a collection of ideas, notions and concepts extracted from the speeches of Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid, the former... (year:1996, Cover:Hb, pp:140)
Malaysian's Vision 2020 - Understanding the Concept, Implications and Challenges
Author : Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 69.00 Buy now! The year 1990 marked the official deadline of the New Economic Policy that has shaped Malaysian economic and social planning since 1970. The form of ... (year:1993, Cover:Hb, pp:474)
P. Ramlee Erti Yang Sakti (Hardcover)
Author : Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 59.00 Buy now! Ensiklopedia pertama yang memuatkan sejarah kehidupan dan penglibatan seniman agung legenda P. Ramlee di dalam dunia seni. Buku ini dihasilkan berdasa... (year:1999, Cover:Hb, pp:400)
P. Ramlee Erti Yang Sakti (Paperback)
Author : Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 25.00 Buy now! Ensiklopedia pertama yang memuatkan sejarah kehidupan dan penglibatan seniman agung legenda P. Ramlee di dalam dunia seni. Buku ini dihasilkan berdasa... (year:1999, Cover:Pb, pp:400)
The Changing Civil Service: Malaysia's Competitive Edge
Author : Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 49.00 Buy now! This book highlights the major administrative reforms carried out by the Civil Service to make the vision a reality. It also provides invaluable insi... (year:1993, Cover:Hb, pp:240)
The Chief Secretary to the Government, Malaysia
Author : Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 49.00 Buy now! "This book succinctly describes the role of the Chief Secretary to the Government of Malaysia in the context of a dynamic and changing civil service. ... (year:1996, Cover:Hb, pp:428)
HUMAN RIGHTS AND ISLAM
Speech delivered by
Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji bin Abdul Hamid
Chairman, Institute of Islamic Understanding, Malaysia
at the Second "Parliament of the Worls's Religions"
on September 4, 1993, at Chicago, U.S.A.
1. I feel deeply honoured to be given a second opportunity to address this august and
distinguished Second "Parliament of World's Religions". However this time I have been
requested to speak on a very pertinent topic of "Human Rights and Islam" which I feel is almost
overdue. I consider it so because Islam has unequivocally guaranteed the fundamental rights of
man more than 14 centuries ago, whilst other societies were still jealously guarding human
freedom to a restricted few until very much later. Indeed the international communities are still
wavering in their stance especially with regards to certain issues that are not in tandem with their values and interests.
2. Human rights have to be associated with freedom of self-determination and self-expression in
line with human nature and right to lead a comfortable and honourable life with untarnished
honour and dignity. It has to be based on universally accepted principles of equality, justice and
truth, that are permanent, unchanging and value free. It should be transcendant in nature and
character both in time and space. It should embody not only the individual man, but also his
society to accommodate his socio-psychological nature.
3. Self-determination should guarantee religious freedom, basic education, private ownership of
property, security of life and property, honour, respect, dignity and individual privacy,
irrespective of gender, colour, race or creed. It should also guarantee the sovereignity and
political freedom of nation-states which uphold the fundamental universal principles of justice,
equality and truth in their governance and treatment of their citizenry.
4. The principles underlying the conception and formulation of human rights should be
permanent, unchanging and unwavering in order to suit its trascendant nature over time and
space. Such principles should also be universally accepted so as to avoid any culture bound
regionalised values which are specific and particular rather than general and universal. These are necessary if we are earnest in our desire to strive for unity of the human race, harmony and
peace.
5. Islam has, since 14 centuries ago, delivered man with the conception of human rights that are
entirely in tandem with his dual nature of body and soul. A conception of human rights that deal
solely on the physical human needs will not be complete and satisfactory. Neither will the
conception that embodies the spiritual needs alone be sufficient. It is the recognition of man's
dual nature and hence his dual needs that is most pertinent and significant for the holistic and
complete conception of human rights.
6. Islam being a comprehensive way of life determines not only the belief system, but more
importantly the social, political, economic and cultural behaviour of its adherents. It influences
both the spiritual and material aspects of human life since there is no dichotomy between what is religious and waht is not. Secularisation has completely no place in Islam.
7. The conception of human rights in Islam have to emanate from its own creed, its own world
view, which is founded on the principles of Tawhid or unity of God the Almighty, Khilafah or
vicegerency and al-`adl or justice. Consequently, human rights in Islam embody his entire needs as an individual as well as a member of a society or more generally of the human race. The
complete guarantee of all his needs become essential for the performance of his duty as the
trustee or vicegerent of God on this blessed earth. This being the objective of human rights in
Islam calls for the fulfilment of the following:
a. Dignity of man as the best of God's creations to perform his
functions as the servant and vicegerent of God. This is in conformity
with the Quranic verse which reads:
"We have honoured the sons of Adam"
[Quran (17): 70]
It is the Islamic determination that the dignity of a human person
should be protected without any distinction between one man and
another under the impetus of the divine Islamic creed.
b. Equality is a very fundamental principle that underlies the
conception of human rights in Islam. There is no distinction being
made between one man and another based on race, sex, blood
relations, wealth, position, etc. This priniciple is in accordance with
the saying of the Prophet of Islam:
"There is no advantage for an Arab over a
non Arab, or for white man over a black
man except by piety"
In another tradition, the Prophet has been reported to have said:
"Women are partners to men"
c. Unity for the human race which aims at universality and global
peace and harmony. Islam does recognise the existence of different
races. But the existence of nations is neither of the purpose of
interdomination nor for the colonisation by one nation over another.
On the contrary, nations have to assist one another, on the basis of
mutual respect, for the purpose of crating world peace, properity and
happiness. The Prophet of Islam said:
"Human cratures are the families of God
and the ones who are most loved by Him
are those who are most useful to their
families".
d. The call for acquaintance and cooperation for the common good
as well as for the performance of all kinds of righteous deeds
towards all human beings regardless of their citizenship or
religion.
This is in conformity with the Quranic verse:
"O mankind, we created you from a single
(pair) of male and female and made you
into nations and tribes that ye may know
one another (not that ye may despise each
other). Verily, the most honoured of you in
the sight of God is he who is the most
righteous of you"
[Quran (49): 13]
e. Religious Freedom. Islam distinctly provides freedom of worship
to all. I prohibits any exercise of force in this respect. As God says in
the Quran:
"Let there be no compulsion in religion".
[Quran (2): 256]
"Will you then compel mankind against
their will to believe"
[Quran (10): 99]
These sayings show how the use of pressure on man's religious
freedom is clearly denounced.
f. The right of ownership: Islam recognizes the right to private
ownership as well as the security and safety of life and private
property.
It abhors any infringement of this right, as stipulated by
Islam through a saying of the Prophet:
"You are forbidden to attack the property
or the lives of others".
This prohibition includes the property and life of bothe Muslims and
non-Muslims.
g. The Right of Individual Privacy: House immunity is essential for
the protection of man's freedom and privacy. The Quran exhorts:
"O ye who believe! Enter not houses other
than your own, until ye have asked for
permission and saluted those in them; that
is best for you, in order that ye may heed
(what is seemly)."
[Quran (24):27]
h. The Right of every person to lead an honourable life: Reciprocal
responsibility among members of society, as to the right of every
person to lead an honourable life, and to get rid of poverty and need,
by levying a certain tax on the wealth of those who can afford for
those in need, whatever their needs may be.
This is in conformity with
the Quranic verse:
"And in their wealth the beggar and the
deprived had due share".
[Quran (51): 19].
i. Freedom of Expression and Information: The freedom of
expression and information cannot be separated from the freedom of
thinking and believing. The constitute a right and a duty for every
believer which should be carried out and maintained by all Muslims.
The relevant Quranic verse reads:
"O ye who have attained to be against your
ownselves or faith! Be ever steadfast in
sake of God, even though it upholding
equity bearing witness to the truth for the
your parents and kinsfolk."
[Quran (7): 135]
j. The Right of Education: Everyone has the right to learn and be
knowledgeable. Imposing education on every citizen is the duty of the
Muslim government so that ignorance could be eliminated from the
society.
As the Prophet said:
"Seeking knowledge is the duty of every
Muslim, male and female."
Knowledge is power, as the Quran says:
"Ye can pass beyond the zones of Heavens
and the Earth, pass ye! Not without
authority shall ye be able to pass."
[Quran (55): 31]
k. Political Right: The Prophet himself has been ordained to practice
mutual consultation and democracy as borne by the Quranic verse:
"And perform your duties by mutual
consultation amongst you".
[Quran (3): 159]
8. Whilst recognising individual rights, Islam places equal emphasis to the social responsibility
of the human race. Social responsibility is indeed part and parcel of the individual rights because
of the diversities prevalent in man's physical, spiritual, intellectual and emotional capacities. God
has purposely created some superior in one way and others in another, so that all require each
other by nature. This implies the basis for the interconnectedness and interdependence of life
within society.
http://vlib.unitarklj1.edu.my/staff-publications/datuk/HRIGHTS.pdf
EDUCATING ULAMA ON BIOTECHNOLOGY
The Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (Ikim) will organise programmes to educate ulama in the country on biotechnology soon.
Ikim chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid said this was important because the field of biotechnology was developing at a relentless pace and it was thus expected that a lot of religious and ethical issues would crop up.
Among the areas, which could raise a lot of issues, from the Islamic perspective, are artificial reproduction, transplant, cloning and genetic engineering.
Speaking after closing the two-day seminar, Ahmad Sarji said about 85 per cent of new drugs available off the shelf today were derived from research and development in biotechnology.
“So we need to involve the ulama, and educate them so that they have an in depth knowledge about this fields. This is important because they are important opinion leaders in our country,” he said.
On the issue of National Bioethical Committees, Ahmad Sarji said he would write to Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Science, Technology and Environment Minister Datuk Law Hieng Ding on the matter.
Ahmad Sarji said his office would organise another seminar related to biotechnology next year which would focus on biotechnology from the Islamic perspective.
Thursday, 11 September 2003
http://www.nbbnet.gov.my/directories/papercut/detail.php?id=283
2004 Report (Continued)
Session II—Participatory Governance: are Elections the Best Alternative?
Moderated by Seri Ahmad Sarji bin Abdul Hamid, former Chief Secretary to the Government and current Chair of the Institute of Kefahaman Islam of Malaysia, the second session focused on going beyond the question of whether Islam and democracy are compatible, to consider how democracy could be defined in an Islamic context.
What are the roots of participatory governance in Islamic scripture and history? What role can these traditions, such as shura, play in modern Islamic governance? Are elections the best method for ensuring participatory governance and, if so, what types of elections are needed?
Seri Ahmad Sarji introduced the discussion by challenging participants to consider the ways in which citizens in Muslim countries can participate in government: referenda, advisory bodies (shura councils), elections for legislatures, elections for heads of state, or some combination of these practices.
Ghazi Suliman, human rights activist and chairman of the National Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy in Sudan, began a discussion of the ways in which Islam has been used in some countries, for instance Sudan, as a means for suppression and the installation of autocratic regimes.
This, coupled with the censorship of moderate Muslim voices and increasing state patronage of religious scholars, has led to the propagation of a dogmatic form of divisive Islamic extremism, a form that rejects democracy, human rights, and good governance as devices of Western imperialism.
He stated that Islam is in fact an accommodating religion of moderation that maintains, at its core, enlightenment values of natural justice, humanitarianism, and mutual consultation.
If Muslims were to delve into their theological and historical heritage, they would find that Islam not only encourages but obligates Muslims to conduct their political affairs in a consultative manner through the shura.
This concept is enshrined in the Qur’an in two places. In the first, the Prophet is ordered by God to “deal gently [mercifully]” and not to be “severe and harsh-hearted” in governing, but rather to “consult with [the people] in their affairs.”1
The second reference appears in Surat al-Shura, where Muslims are enjoined to “answer the Call of their Lord, perform the salat [prayers]…and…conduct their affairs by mutual consultation.”2
Other than these two verses, there is no further mention of shura as a system of governance in the Qur’an, continued Suliman.
Islamic history, on the other hand, offers many different models of governance as practiced by the Rightly Guided Caliphs (al-khulafa ar-rashidun) and subsequent Muslim rulers.3
For example, while the first caliph, Abu Bakr al-Siddiq was elected through a pledge of allegiance, or bay‘a, by the people, other leaders were directly appointed, as was the case with the third caliph, Uthman ibn ‘Affan.
It is important to note, he said, that the variety of methods through which the concept of shura was practiced—both then, and to some extent, now—clearly indicates that there is no single model of governance in Islam.
Hence, from a jurisprudential point of view based primarily on the Qur’an, Muslims are free to implement any system of governance, provided that it is fair, just, and consultative. There is therefore no fundamental conflict between Islam and democracy.
Syed Shahabuddin, President of All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat and former member of Parliament, agreed with Ghazi Suliman, adding that democracy is not a trademark of the West and need not take any one single form.
The central premises of democracy—justice, the rule of law, the guarantee of rights and freedoms, consensus, and accountability, as listed by Ghazi Suliman—are also Islamic values, enshrined in the Qur’an.
Moreover, a key principle of Islamic jurisprudence is the “rule of permissibility.” This stipulates that whatever is not categorically forbidden by God and His Prophet is permissible for Muslims.
Under this doctrine, elections, ijma‘ (consensus), shura, and referenda can all be mechanisms for achieving participatory governance in an Islamic context. It is up to Muslims to select those methods which best suit their realities.
Abdel-Monem Abul Futuh, senior member of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Maktab Al-Irshad in Egypt, concurred with the view that Islam is not averse to democracy.
He added that the concept of shura in Islam has implications for participatory governance that go beyond the more limited understandings of governance in Western political thought.
First, shura is an obligation upon all Muslims not only in the political realm. Rather, it must be practiced in every aspect of a Muslim’s life, including in the home and workplace.
Second, as the above-mentioned Quranic verses demonstrate, a primary condition for shura is that it be practiced with mercy and in truth. This ethical dimension of shura means that where consultation is achieved through coercion and/or in falsehood, the obligation of shura is unfulfilled.
Abul Futuh added that democracy as practiced in some countries in the West does not observe the same ethical values.
Instead, democracy is practiced alongside political hegemony, and even terrorism. In some countries, even though elections are held, citizens are anxious about expressing their opinions for fear of repression or charges of being unpatriotic.
In other instances, fraudulent methods are employed, either directly or indirectly; money and the media can manipulate voters’ views.
Asef Bayat, academic director of the International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World at Leiden University, disagreed with the view that shura is a broader concept than democracy.
To the contrary, he argued that it is a misconception to limit democracy only to formal electoral practices. Democracy is a culture of political participation that involves both rights and responsibilities that must be encouraged at every level of society.
Moreover, a key pillar of democracy is its insistence upon the turning over of power, for this is what allows citizens to remove their rulers if they so wish. This, however, is not the case with shura.
Humam Hamoudi, senior member of Iraq’s Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution, agreed that the turnover of power is not a simple issue in the Muslim world today.
This is an important point for consideration, as is the need for developing political institutions in Muslim societies.
He said that we should go beyond a jurisprudence that focuses on the interests of individuals. What is required in Muslim countries today is a jurisprudence of the state, which operates at the broader level of national and societal interests.
Essam El-Eryan, former member of Parliament for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, disagreed with the view put forward by Asef Bayat. He stated that the underlying premise of shura is that it guarantees that governments respect the will of the people.
If shura is administered correctly, through mechanisms such as elections that allow for wide political participation, it can ensure the turnover of power when that is the will of the majority.
Fatima Gailani, member of the Afghan Constitutional Commission of the Loya Jirga and spokesperson for the National Islamic Front of Afghanistan, agreed with most of the participants that democracy and Islam are essentially compatible. However, she questioned whether this view is widely accepted in the Muslim world. She argued that there are Muslim countries where ignorance and illiteracy still abound.
In such places, as in Afghanistan, ordinary people are excluded from religious and political discourse and tend to accept the views put forward by their local imams or mullahs.
These religious leaders largely endorse literal or traditional interpretations of Islam, insisting that notions of democracy and human rights are Western constructs and are categorically forbidden in Islam where sovereignty resides with God alone.
Muslims are made to believe that they will go to Hell if they vote in elections—and that they have no option but to follow the divine law, of which the mullahs serve as guardians.
In the ensuing debate, some participants agreed with this view, while others questioned the exact nature of the “Islamic” knowledge that would be advanced through the proposed educational programs.
Would this knowledge be limited to certain interpretations of Islam and exclude others? Similarly, several participants, including Anil Seal, director of the Malaysian Commonwealth Studies Centre of Cambridge University, expressed reservations, maintaining that participatory governance in the Muslim world cannot be delayed until all the educational and economic needs of society are met.
Citizens must have a role in determining how they want these needs to be satisfied in the first place, and this can only be guaranteed through electoral democracy.
In agreement with Anil Seal, Khalid Al-Mubarak, a Sudanese scholar, author, and analytical commentator on Islamic politics, warned that we can no longer continue to simply pay lip service to the idea of democracy in the Muslim world. If there is such a clear consensus that Islam and democracy are compatible, and that an “Islamic” democracy can deliver all the requirements of good governance, then why is the Muslim world today facing such problems?
He maintained that he does not dispute the fundamental compatibility of democracy and Islam, or the plausibility of developing just, Islam-based systems of governance that ensure citizen participation.
The reality in the Muslim world is, however, that Islamist groups and governments have repeatedly hijacked the political process, deposed democratically elected governments, and oppressed populations—all in the name of Islam.
In return, these groups have promised to institute “Islamic” systems of government that are authentic, indigenous, and non-Western, and that meet the needs of the people.
At best, they have failed to deliver this Islamic ideal; at worst, they have used it simply to mask their despotism. In line with Syed Shahabuddin, Al-Mubarak insisted that formal democracy could be a viable way forward in the Muslim world, precisely because of its aforementioned compatibility with Islam.
He added that democracy is a universally accepted system of governance that, despite some limitations, works well overall. Muslims must recognize that we do not exist in isolation, but as part of a global community.
On the basis of the Qur’an, which requires us to live harmoniously with other nations and to honor our agreements, we are bound to adhere to international standards.
Having discussed participatory governance and Islam on a conceptual basis, the session then focused on the question of whether elections, as a mechanism, are the best alternative.
Participants acknowledged that elections as a process of ensuring participatory governance can be imperfect and may not always lead to fair results. Shri J.M. Lyngdoh, former chief election commissioner of India, cautioned that elections, like economic competition, produce winners, but these are not necessarily the best candidates, morally speaking.
The biggest drawback to democracy, he explained, is that elected representatives may not consider good governance their objective and may seek to usurp the electoral process in order to satisfy their own interests—and this unfortunately tarnishes the democratic ideal.
Furthermore, he added, in many cases democracy does not conform to the classical model of citizens directly electing their representatives; instead, leaders are chosen by caucuses, which limits competition.
Seri Ahmad Sarji responded that although elections are not perfect tools for democracy, they reinforce the relationship between the people and their leaders, empowering citizens to remove and replace their governments in a peaceful and orderly manner.
The only basis for a peaceful society is providing people with the opportunity to express their opinions and their will, and elections are instrumental in doing so.
He put forward the example of Malaysia as an ethnically and religiously diverse country where open political participation has managed—to a large degree—to moderate sectarian conflict by ensuring that all social groups are given a voice.
The Malaysian electoral system is administered by an independent electoral commission that inter alia, delineates electoral constituencies, handles voter registration, conducts elections, counts votes, and resolves claims and objections from candidates and voters.
This guarantees the integrity of the electoral process to the extent that Islamic groups do not contest the process. On the contrary, Islamic parties have secured substantial majorities through elections and currently govern two of Malaysia’s thirteen states.4
Syed Shahabbudin commended the Malaysian example, adding that in countries where Muslims are in the minority—and, as in India, constitute a large percentage of the world’s total Muslim population—there can be no alternative to elections as a means of ensuring Muslims’ rights.
Returning to the question of elections and Islam, Essam El-Eryan argued that elections could properly be considered Islamic if their outcome is fair.
In some countries, the electoral system does not take into consideration, or formally excludes, certain political groups on the basis of their tribal or religious affiliation or simply because they constitute a minority. Such exclusions come into effect especially when the interests of those groups challenge the position of those in power. Islam, he insisted, condemns such political repression.
Mohamed Charfi, former Tunisian minister of education and professor of international law at the University of Tunis, noted that while the electoral principle has been accepted in some countries, there still exist a number of structural issues that can impede participatory governance.
For example, there are many cases in which an elected parliament has only limited legislative power.
This, coupled with the role of the clergy as an influential group in national politics, has, in some instances (and especially on matters relating to gender equality), mitigated the constitutional role of the legislative body as representative of the people.
He concluded that formal elections that are not supported by democratically sound structures cannot deliver true participatory democracy.
The integrity of the ballot box must be combined with the impartiality of government institutions if an accurate representation of the will of the people is to be realized.
In conclusion, the session found that Islam and democracy are not antithetical, and that the principle of shura, or mutual consultation, premised on the notions of justice and mercy enshrined in the Qur’an, can be interpreted in a way that encourages participatory governance.
A somewhat different view was expressed by Nouri Mohammed, senior member of Al-Da’wa Islamic Party in Iraq, who maintained that good governance, both in principle and in practice, is not universal but culturally specific; he warned that creating a mixture of different ideologies might lead to confusion.
When we speak of democracy in the Muslim world, he insisted, we need to speak of it only in Islamic terms.
As to the question of whether elections constitute the only means of achieving participatory governance, most participants agreed that elections define the concept of citizenship, and are therefore an acceptable apparatus for achieving democracy, provided that certain principles are adopted.
These principles include respect for human dignity, for the beliefs of all citizens, for the public’s will, and for the rule of law. There was consensus that for electoral democracy to be effective as a true expression of the will of the people, elections should be free, which should be ensured by the electoral process.
Moreover, due consideration should be given to election expenses and the participation of minority and interest groups. When electing a head of state there should be more than one candidate, and electoral procedures should make the government accountable and removable in cases in which it fails to act in accordance with the will of the people.
Finally, some participants made reference to geopolitical concerns that they felt must be adequately addressed if there is to be any real prospect for democracy in the Muslim world.
Noteworthy among these were the predicaments of the Chechen and Palestinian peoples, who, in the views of many participants, continue to face oppression and the denial of their rights to self-determination and statehood.
http://islamuswest.org/publications_islam_and_the_West/Islam_And_Elections/IslamAndElections_05.html
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Tan Sri Dato' Seri (Dr) Ahmad Sarji bin Abdul HamidPengerusi IKIM
TAN SRI DATO' SERI DR AHMAD SARJI ABDUL HAMID - UKM PRO CHANCELLOR
Tan Sri Dato’ Seri (Dr.) Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid was appointed the new Pro-Chancellor of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) for two years effective from 1 September 2006.
Born in Tapah, Perak, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji, 69, graduated with a B.A (Hons.) degree from the University of Malaya (1960); he received his Diploma in Public Administration from the Institute of Social Studies, The Hague (1967) and his Masters in Public Administration from Harvard University, United States of America (1971).
At the Federal level, he has held several important positions as Assistant Secretary, Federal Establishment Office; Assistant Director (Services), Public Service Department and as Secretary to the Cabinet and Constitution Section when Tun Abdul Razak was Prime Minister.
In 1973, he was appointed by the Prime Minister (Tun Abdul Razak bin Hussein) as the first Director-General of the Farmers’ Association Organization. In 1979 he was transferred to the Prime Minister’s Department again to hold the position of Deputy Director-General (Sectoral), Economic Planning Unit; this time for two years.
In 1981, he was appointed to the post of Deputy Chairman and the Director-General of Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA). In the same year, he was transferred to hold the position of Deputy Director General (I) Public Service Department, Malaysia.
He later took up the post of Secretary-General, Ministry of Trade and Industry in 1985 and as Chairman of the Malaysian Industries Development Authority (MIDA). In 1990, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji was appointed to the highest position in the government service as Chief Secretary to the Government and at the same time, was made Secretary to the Cabinet and Head of the Public Service sector.
A prolific writer, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji has written several books on public service, Management, the Farmers’ Organisation, national development and national heritage.
He is also the Chairman of several organisations such as the Institute of Islamic Understanding (IKIM), Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB), SPPK, Sime Darby Berhad, Golden Hope Plantations Berhad, Petaling Garden Berhad and Northport Corporation Berhad.
Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji’s significant contributions in the field of public service in Malaysia have earned him many recognitions and awards, which include the Director of the Year 1999 award from the Malaysian Institute of Directors and the Maal Hijrah Personality Award 1420/1999.
In recognition of his many efforts and contributions in the fields of administration and the public and corporate services, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji has been conferred honorary degrees by several foreign and local universities, such as the Doctor of Science (Management) honorary degree from Universiti Utara Malaysia; Doctor of Business Administration from the Nottingham-Trent University; Doctor of Letters from Universiti Malaysia Sarawak; and Doctor in Management from the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM).
ENAM 6 BOOKS WRITTEN BY AHMAD SARJI ABDUL HAMID
from PELANDUK.com
Civil Service Reforms: Towards Malaysia's Vision 2020
Author : Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 39.00 Buy now!
This book represents a collection of ideas, notions and concepts extracted from the speeches of Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid, the former... (year:1996, Cover:Hb, pp:140)
Malaysian's Vision 2020 - Understanding the Concept, Implications and Challenges
Author : Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 69.00 Buy now! The year 1990 marked the official deadline of the New Economic Policy that has shaped Malaysian economic and social planning since 1970. The form of ... (year:1993, Cover:Hb, pp:474)
P. Ramlee Erti Yang Sakti (Hardcover)
Author : Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 59.00 Buy now! Ensiklopedia pertama yang memuatkan sejarah kehidupan dan penglibatan seniman agung legenda P. Ramlee di dalam dunia seni. Buku ini dihasilkan berdasa... (year:1999, Cover:Hb, pp:400)
P. Ramlee Erti Yang Sakti (Paperback)
Author : Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 25.00 Buy now! Ensiklopedia pertama yang memuatkan sejarah kehidupan dan penglibatan seniman agung legenda P. Ramlee di dalam dunia seni. Buku ini dihasilkan berdasa... (year:1999, Cover:Pb, pp:400)
The Changing Civil Service: Malaysia's Competitive Edge
Author : Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 49.00 Buy now! This book highlights the major administrative reforms carried out by the Civil Service to make the vision a reality. It also provides invaluable insi... (year:1993, Cover:Hb, pp:240)
The Chief Secretary to the Government, Malaysia
Author : Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid
Price = US$ 49.00 Buy now! "This book succinctly describes the role of the Chief Secretary to the Government of Malaysia in the context of a dynamic and changing civil service. ... (year:1996, Cover:Hb, pp:428)
HUMAN RIGHTS AND ISLAM
Speech delivered by
Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Sarji bin Abdul Hamid
Chairman, Institute of Islamic Understanding, Malaysia
at the Second "Parliament of the Worls's Religions"
on September 4, 1993, at Chicago, U.S.A.
1. I feel deeply honoured to be given a second opportunity to address this august and
distinguished Second "Parliament of World's Religions". However this time I have been
requested to speak on a very pertinent topic of "Human Rights and Islam" which I feel is almost
overdue. I consider it so because Islam has unequivocally guaranteed the fundamental rights of
man more than 14 centuries ago, whilst other societies were still jealously guarding human
freedom to a restricted few until very much later. Indeed the international communities are still
wavering in their stance especially with regards to certain issues that are not in tandem with their values and interests.
2. Human rights have to be associated with freedom of self-determination and self-expression in
line with human nature and right to lead a comfortable and honourable life with untarnished
honour and dignity. It has to be based on universally accepted principles of equality, justice and
truth, that are permanent, unchanging and value free. It should be transcendant in nature and
character both in time and space. It should embody not only the individual man, but also his
society to accommodate his socio-psychological nature.
3. Self-determination should guarantee religious freedom, basic education, private ownership of
property, security of life and property, honour, respect, dignity and individual privacy,
irrespective of gender, colour, race or creed. It should also guarantee the sovereignity and
political freedom of nation-states which uphold the fundamental universal principles of justice,
equality and truth in their governance and treatment of their citizenry.
4. The principles underlying the conception and formulation of human rights should be
permanent, unchanging and unwavering in order to suit its trascendant nature over time and
space. Such principles should also be universally accepted so as to avoid any culture bound
regionalised values which are specific and particular rather than general and universal. These are necessary if we are earnest in our desire to strive for unity of the human race, harmony and
peace.
5. Islam has, since 14 centuries ago, delivered man with the conception of human rights that are
entirely in tandem with his dual nature of body and soul. A conception of human rights that deal
solely on the physical human needs will not be complete and satisfactory. Neither will the
conception that embodies the spiritual needs alone be sufficient. It is the recognition of man's
dual nature and hence his dual needs that is most pertinent and significant for the holistic and
complete conception of human rights.
6. Islam being a comprehensive way of life determines not only the belief system, but more
importantly the social, political, economic and cultural behaviour of its adherents. It influences
both the spiritual and material aspects of human life since there is no dichotomy between what is religious and waht is not. Secularisation has completely no place in Islam.
7. The conception of human rights in Islam have to emanate from its own creed, its own world
view, which is founded on the principles of Tawhid or unity of God the Almighty, Khilafah or
vicegerency and al-`adl or justice. Consequently, human rights in Islam embody his entire needs as an individual as well as a member of a society or more generally of the human race. The
complete guarantee of all his needs become essential for the performance of his duty as the
trustee or vicegerent of God on this blessed earth. This being the objective of human rights in
Islam calls for the fulfilment of the following:
a. Dignity of man as the best of God's creations to perform his
functions as the servant and vicegerent of God. This is in conformity
with the Quranic verse which reads:
"We have honoured the sons of Adam"
[Quran (17): 70]
It is the Islamic determination that the dignity of a human person
should be protected without any distinction between one man and
another under the impetus of the divine Islamic creed.
b. Equality is a very fundamental principle that underlies the
conception of human rights in Islam. There is no distinction being
made between one man and another based on race, sex, blood
relations, wealth, position, etc. This priniciple is in accordance with
the saying of the Prophet of Islam:
"There is no advantage for an Arab over a
non Arab, or for white man over a black
man except by piety"
In another tradition, the Prophet has been reported to have said:
"Women are partners to men"
c. Unity for the human race which aims at universality and global
peace and harmony. Islam does recognise the existence of different
races. But the existence of nations is neither of the purpose of
interdomination nor for the colonisation by one nation over another.
On the contrary, nations have to assist one another, on the basis of
mutual respect, for the purpose of crating world peace, properity and
happiness. The Prophet of Islam said:
"Human cratures are the families of God
and the ones who are most loved by Him
are those who are most useful to their
families".
d. The call for acquaintance and cooperation for the common good
as well as for the performance of all kinds of righteous deeds
towards all human beings regardless of their citizenship or
religion.
This is in conformity with the Quranic verse:
"O mankind, we created you from a single
(pair) of male and female and made you
into nations and tribes that ye may know
one another (not that ye may despise each
other). Verily, the most honoured of you in
the sight of God is he who is the most
righteous of you"
[Quran (49): 13]
e. Religious Freedom. Islam distinctly provides freedom of worship
to all. I prohibits any exercise of force in this respect. As God says in
the Quran:
"Let there be no compulsion in religion".
[Quran (2): 256]
"Will you then compel mankind against
their will to believe"
[Quran (10): 99]
These sayings show how the use of pressure on man's religious
freedom is clearly denounced.
f. The right of ownership: Islam recognizes the right to private
ownership as well as the security and safety of life and private
property.
It abhors any infringement of this right, as stipulated by
Islam through a saying of the Prophet:
"You are forbidden to attack the property
or the lives of others".
This prohibition includes the property and life of bothe Muslims and
non-Muslims.
g. The Right of Individual Privacy: House immunity is essential for
the protection of man's freedom and privacy. The Quran exhorts:
"O ye who believe! Enter not houses other
than your own, until ye have asked for
permission and saluted those in them; that
is best for you, in order that ye may heed
(what is seemly)."
[Quran (24):27]
h. The Right of every person to lead an honourable life: Reciprocal
responsibility among members of society, as to the right of every
person to lead an honourable life, and to get rid of poverty and need,
by levying a certain tax on the wealth of those who can afford for
those in need, whatever their needs may be.
This is in conformity with
the Quranic verse:
"And in their wealth the beggar and the
deprived had due share".
[Quran (51): 19].
i. Freedom of Expression and Information: The freedom of
expression and information cannot be separated from the freedom of
thinking and believing. The constitute a right and a duty for every
believer which should be carried out and maintained by all Muslims.
The relevant Quranic verse reads:
"O ye who have attained to be against your
ownselves or faith! Be ever steadfast in
sake of God, even though it upholding
equity bearing witness to the truth for the
your parents and kinsfolk."
[Quran (7): 135]
j. The Right of Education: Everyone has the right to learn and be
knowledgeable. Imposing education on every citizen is the duty of the
Muslim government so that ignorance could be eliminated from the
society.
As the Prophet said:
"Seeking knowledge is the duty of every
Muslim, male and female."
Knowledge is power, as the Quran says:
"Ye can pass beyond the zones of Heavens
and the Earth, pass ye! Not without
authority shall ye be able to pass."
[Quran (55): 31]
k. Political Right: The Prophet himself has been ordained to practice
mutual consultation and democracy as borne by the Quranic verse:
"And perform your duties by mutual
consultation amongst you".
[Quran (3): 159]
8. Whilst recognising individual rights, Islam places equal emphasis to the social responsibility
of the human race. Social responsibility is indeed part and parcel of the individual rights because
of the diversities prevalent in man's physical, spiritual, intellectual and emotional capacities. God
has purposely created some superior in one way and others in another, so that all require each
other by nature. This implies the basis for the interconnectedness and interdependence of life
within society.
http://vlib.unitarklj1.edu.my/staff-publications/datuk/HRIGHTS.pdf
EDUCATING ULAMA ON BIOTECHNOLOGY
The Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (Ikim) will organise programmes to educate ulama in the country on biotechnology soon.
Ikim chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid said this was important because the field of biotechnology was developing at a relentless pace and it was thus expected that a lot of religious and ethical issues would crop up.
Among the areas, which could raise a lot of issues, from the Islamic perspective, are artificial reproduction, transplant, cloning and genetic engineering.
Speaking after closing the two-day seminar, Ahmad Sarji said about 85 per cent of new drugs available off the shelf today were derived from research and development in biotechnology.
“So we need to involve the ulama, and educate them so that they have an in depth knowledge about this fields. This is important because they are important opinion leaders in our country,” he said.
On the issue of National Bioethical Committees, Ahmad Sarji said he would write to Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Science, Technology and Environment Minister Datuk Law Hieng Ding on the matter.
Ahmad Sarji said his office would organise another seminar related to biotechnology next year which would focus on biotechnology from the Islamic perspective.
Thursday, 11 September 2003
http://www.nbbnet.gov.my/directories/papercut/detail.php?id=283
2004 Report (Continued)
Session II—Participatory Governance: are Elections the Best Alternative?
Moderated by Seri Ahmad Sarji bin Abdul Hamid, former Chief Secretary to the Government and current Chair of the Institute of Kefahaman Islam of Malaysia, the second session focused on going beyond the question of whether Islam and democracy are compatible, to consider how democracy could be defined in an Islamic context.
What are the roots of participatory governance in Islamic scripture and history? What role can these traditions, such as shura, play in modern Islamic governance? Are elections the best method for ensuring participatory governance and, if so, what types of elections are needed?
Seri Ahmad Sarji introduced the discussion by challenging participants to consider the ways in which citizens in Muslim countries can participate in government: referenda, advisory bodies (shura councils), elections for legislatures, elections for heads of state, or some combination of these practices.
Ghazi Suliman, human rights activist and chairman of the National Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy in Sudan, began a discussion of the ways in which Islam has been used in some countries, for instance Sudan, as a means for suppression and the installation of autocratic regimes.
This, coupled with the censorship of moderate Muslim voices and increasing state patronage of religious scholars, has led to the propagation of a dogmatic form of divisive Islamic extremism, a form that rejects democracy, human rights, and good governance as devices of Western imperialism.
He stated that Islam is in fact an accommodating religion of moderation that maintains, at its core, enlightenment values of natural justice, humanitarianism, and mutual consultation.
If Muslims were to delve into their theological and historical heritage, they would find that Islam not only encourages but obligates Muslims to conduct their political affairs in a consultative manner through the shura.
This concept is enshrined in the Qur’an in two places. In the first, the Prophet is ordered by God to “deal gently [mercifully]” and not to be “severe and harsh-hearted” in governing, but rather to “consult with [the people] in their affairs.”1
The second reference appears in Surat al-Shura, where Muslims are enjoined to “answer the Call of their Lord, perform the salat [prayers]…and…conduct their affairs by mutual consultation.”2
Other than these two verses, there is no further mention of shura as a system of governance in the Qur’an, continued Suliman.
Islamic history, on the other hand, offers many different models of governance as practiced by the Rightly Guided Caliphs (al-khulafa ar-rashidun) and subsequent Muslim rulers.3
For example, while the first caliph, Abu Bakr al-Siddiq was elected through a pledge of allegiance, or bay‘a, by the people, other leaders were directly appointed, as was the case with the third caliph, Uthman ibn ‘Affan.
It is important to note, he said, that the variety of methods through which the concept of shura was practiced—both then, and to some extent, now—clearly indicates that there is no single model of governance in Islam.
Hence, from a jurisprudential point of view based primarily on the Qur’an, Muslims are free to implement any system of governance, provided that it is fair, just, and consultative. There is therefore no fundamental conflict between Islam and democracy.
Syed Shahabuddin, President of All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat and former member of Parliament, agreed with Ghazi Suliman, adding that democracy is not a trademark of the West and need not take any one single form.
The central premises of democracy—justice, the rule of law, the guarantee of rights and freedoms, consensus, and accountability, as listed by Ghazi Suliman—are also Islamic values, enshrined in the Qur’an.
Moreover, a key principle of Islamic jurisprudence is the “rule of permissibility.” This stipulates that whatever is not categorically forbidden by God and His Prophet is permissible for Muslims.
Under this doctrine, elections, ijma‘ (consensus), shura, and referenda can all be mechanisms for achieving participatory governance in an Islamic context. It is up to Muslims to select those methods which best suit their realities.
Abdel-Monem Abul Futuh, senior member of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Maktab Al-Irshad in Egypt, concurred with the view that Islam is not averse to democracy.
He added that the concept of shura in Islam has implications for participatory governance that go beyond the more limited understandings of governance in Western political thought.
First, shura is an obligation upon all Muslims not only in the political realm. Rather, it must be practiced in every aspect of a Muslim’s life, including in the home and workplace.
Second, as the above-mentioned Quranic verses demonstrate, a primary condition for shura is that it be practiced with mercy and in truth. This ethical dimension of shura means that where consultation is achieved through coercion and/or in falsehood, the obligation of shura is unfulfilled.
Abul Futuh added that democracy as practiced in some countries in the West does not observe the same ethical values.
Instead, democracy is practiced alongside political hegemony, and even terrorism. In some countries, even though elections are held, citizens are anxious about expressing their opinions for fear of repression or charges of being unpatriotic.
In other instances, fraudulent methods are employed, either directly or indirectly; money and the media can manipulate voters’ views.
Asef Bayat, academic director of the International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World at Leiden University, disagreed with the view that shura is a broader concept than democracy.
To the contrary, he argued that it is a misconception to limit democracy only to formal electoral practices. Democracy is a culture of political participation that involves both rights and responsibilities that must be encouraged at every level of society.
Moreover, a key pillar of democracy is its insistence upon the turning over of power, for this is what allows citizens to remove their rulers if they so wish. This, however, is not the case with shura.
Humam Hamoudi, senior member of Iraq’s Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution, agreed that the turnover of power is not a simple issue in the Muslim world today.
This is an important point for consideration, as is the need for developing political institutions in Muslim societies.
He said that we should go beyond a jurisprudence that focuses on the interests of individuals. What is required in Muslim countries today is a jurisprudence of the state, which operates at the broader level of national and societal interests.
Essam El-Eryan, former member of Parliament for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, disagreed with the view put forward by Asef Bayat. He stated that the underlying premise of shura is that it guarantees that governments respect the will of the people.
If shura is administered correctly, through mechanisms such as elections that allow for wide political participation, it can ensure the turnover of power when that is the will of the majority.
Fatima Gailani, member of the Afghan Constitutional Commission of the Loya Jirga and spokesperson for the National Islamic Front of Afghanistan, agreed with most of the participants that democracy and Islam are essentially compatible. However, she questioned whether this view is widely accepted in the Muslim world. She argued that there are Muslim countries where ignorance and illiteracy still abound.
In such places, as in Afghanistan, ordinary people are excluded from religious and political discourse and tend to accept the views put forward by their local imams or mullahs.
These religious leaders largely endorse literal or traditional interpretations of Islam, insisting that notions of democracy and human rights are Western constructs and are categorically forbidden in Islam where sovereignty resides with God alone.
Muslims are made to believe that they will go to Hell if they vote in elections—and that they have no option but to follow the divine law, of which the mullahs serve as guardians.
In the ensuing debate, some participants agreed with this view, while others questioned the exact nature of the “Islamic” knowledge that would be advanced through the proposed educational programs.
Would this knowledge be limited to certain interpretations of Islam and exclude others? Similarly, several participants, including Anil Seal, director of the Malaysian Commonwealth Studies Centre of Cambridge University, expressed reservations, maintaining that participatory governance in the Muslim world cannot be delayed until all the educational and economic needs of society are met.
Citizens must have a role in determining how they want these needs to be satisfied in the first place, and this can only be guaranteed through electoral democracy.
In agreement with Anil Seal, Khalid Al-Mubarak, a Sudanese scholar, author, and analytical commentator on Islamic politics, warned that we can no longer continue to simply pay lip service to the idea of democracy in the Muslim world. If there is such a clear consensus that Islam and democracy are compatible, and that an “Islamic” democracy can deliver all the requirements of good governance, then why is the Muslim world today facing such problems?
He maintained that he does not dispute the fundamental compatibility of democracy and Islam, or the plausibility of developing just, Islam-based systems of governance that ensure citizen participation.
The reality in the Muslim world is, however, that Islamist groups and governments have repeatedly hijacked the political process, deposed democratically elected governments, and oppressed populations—all in the name of Islam.
In return, these groups have promised to institute “Islamic” systems of government that are authentic, indigenous, and non-Western, and that meet the needs of the people.
At best, they have failed to deliver this Islamic ideal; at worst, they have used it simply to mask their despotism. In line with Syed Shahabuddin, Al-Mubarak insisted that formal democracy could be a viable way forward in the Muslim world, precisely because of its aforementioned compatibility with Islam.
He added that democracy is a universally accepted system of governance that, despite some limitations, works well overall. Muslims must recognize that we do not exist in isolation, but as part of a global community.
On the basis of the Qur’an, which requires us to live harmoniously with other nations and to honor our agreements, we are bound to adhere to international standards.
Having discussed participatory governance and Islam on a conceptual basis, the session then focused on the question of whether elections, as a mechanism, are the best alternative.
Participants acknowledged that elections as a process of ensuring participatory governance can be imperfect and may not always lead to fair results. Shri J.M. Lyngdoh, former chief election commissioner of India, cautioned that elections, like economic competition, produce winners, but these are not necessarily the best candidates, morally speaking.
The biggest drawback to democracy, he explained, is that elected representatives may not consider good governance their objective and may seek to usurp the electoral process in order to satisfy their own interests—and this unfortunately tarnishes the democratic ideal.
Furthermore, he added, in many cases democracy does not conform to the classical model of citizens directly electing their representatives; instead, leaders are chosen by caucuses, which limits competition.
Seri Ahmad Sarji responded that although elections are not perfect tools for democracy, they reinforce the relationship between the people and their leaders, empowering citizens to remove and replace their governments in a peaceful and orderly manner.
The only basis for a peaceful society is providing people with the opportunity to express their opinions and their will, and elections are instrumental in doing so.
He put forward the example of Malaysia as an ethnically and religiously diverse country where open political participation has managed—to a large degree—to moderate sectarian conflict by ensuring that all social groups are given a voice.
The Malaysian electoral system is administered by an independent electoral commission that inter alia, delineates electoral constituencies, handles voter registration, conducts elections, counts votes, and resolves claims and objections from candidates and voters.
This guarantees the integrity of the electoral process to the extent that Islamic groups do not contest the process. On the contrary, Islamic parties have secured substantial majorities through elections and currently govern two of Malaysia’s thirteen states.4
Syed Shahabbudin commended the Malaysian example, adding that in countries where Muslims are in the minority—and, as in India, constitute a large percentage of the world’s total Muslim population—there can be no alternative to elections as a means of ensuring Muslims’ rights.
Returning to the question of elections and Islam, Essam El-Eryan argued that elections could properly be considered Islamic if their outcome is fair.
In some countries, the electoral system does not take into consideration, or formally excludes, certain political groups on the basis of their tribal or religious affiliation or simply because they constitute a minority. Such exclusions come into effect especially when the interests of those groups challenge the position of those in power. Islam, he insisted, condemns such political repression.
Mohamed Charfi, former Tunisian minister of education and professor of international law at the University of Tunis, noted that while the electoral principle has been accepted in some countries, there still exist a number of structural issues that can impede participatory governance.
For example, there are many cases in which an elected parliament has only limited legislative power.
This, coupled with the role of the clergy as an influential group in national politics, has, in some instances (and especially on matters relating to gender equality), mitigated the constitutional role of the legislative body as representative of the people.
He concluded that formal elections that are not supported by democratically sound structures cannot deliver true participatory democracy.
The integrity of the ballot box must be combined with the impartiality of government institutions if an accurate representation of the will of the people is to be realized.
In conclusion, the session found that Islam and democracy are not antithetical, and that the principle of shura, or mutual consultation, premised on the notions of justice and mercy enshrined in the Qur’an, can be interpreted in a way that encourages participatory governance.
A somewhat different view was expressed by Nouri Mohammed, senior member of Al-Da’wa Islamic Party in Iraq, who maintained that good governance, both in principle and in practice, is not universal but culturally specific; he warned that creating a mixture of different ideologies might lead to confusion.
When we speak of democracy in the Muslim world, he insisted, we need to speak of it only in Islamic terms.
As to the question of whether elections constitute the only means of achieving participatory governance, most participants agreed that elections define the concept of citizenship, and are therefore an acceptable apparatus for achieving democracy, provided that certain principles are adopted.
These principles include respect for human dignity, for the beliefs of all citizens, for the public’s will, and for the rule of law. There was consensus that for electoral democracy to be effective as a true expression of the will of the people, elections should be free, which should be ensured by the electoral process.
Moreover, due consideration should be given to election expenses and the participation of minority and interest groups. When electing a head of state there should be more than one candidate, and electoral procedures should make the government accountable and removable in cases in which it fails to act in accordance with the will of the people.
Finally, some participants made reference to geopolitical concerns that they felt must be adequately addressed if there is to be any real prospect for democracy in the Muslim world.
Noteworthy among these were the predicaments of the Chechen and Palestinian peoples, who, in the views of many participants, continue to face oppression and the denial of their rights to self-determination and statehood.
http://islamuswest.org/publications_islam_and_the_West/Islam_And_Elections/IslamAndElections_05.html
INSTITUT KEFAHAMAN ISLAM MALAYSIA
IKIM
INSTITUT KEFAHAMAN ISLAM MALAYSIA (IKIM) - 234432-H
2, Langgak Tunku, Off Jalan Duta, 50480 Kuala Lumpur.
Tel : 03-62046200 Faks : 03-62014189
Email : info@ikim.gov.my
A GOOD 15 YEARS FOR IKIM
14 Februari 2007
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 14 (Bernama) -- The Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM) celebrates its 15th anniversary on Feb 18, 2007.
In retrospective, it is evident that IKIM has filled the vacuum in portraying Islam the way it should be in line with the objectives of its founding.
IKIM chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid has been working hard to ensure IKIM remains an organisation with an agenda to popularise Islamic thinking.
In an interview with Bernama, Ahmad Sarji talks about IKIM's achievements and its hopes for the future.
1. IKIM completes 15 years on Feb 18. As the founder, how do you feel Tan Sri?
I'm very proud of IKIM's achievements all this while. Much of its success is due to the guidance and the unwavering support from Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the former prime minister who envisioned the establishment of the organisation.
Now, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is also lending a hand to IKIM. I'm very satisfied with IKIM's performance in line with its original objectives.
2. Tan Sri, can you briefly relate how IKIM came into being?
It is an unforgettable event. It was widely known when Tun Dr Mahathir was at the helm, he turned the post-Cabinet meetings into an important forum.
One Wednesday in February 1992, after the Cabinet meeting, as usual I was discussing with him, among other things, the establishment of a think tank to enhance Islamic understanding for Muslims and Non-Muslims.
He asked me to set up the institute. I told him that I was not an Islamic scholar. Yet, he insisted that I establish the institute as being the Chief Secretary he felt I had the clout to establish the institute.
He then asked me to immediately register IKIM as a company with limited guarantee.
I was told to identify a suitable site for the institution and apply for initial funding from the government.
He also requested me to recruit qualified people to spearhead IKIM's activities and prepare a solid work programme.
IKIM came into being on Feb 18, 1992 and I was appointed the founder chairman on March 15 that year. Since then, I have been in frequent discussion with Dr Mahathir on IKIM's programmes.
Three director-generals -- Datuk Dr Ismail Ibrahim, Dr Abdul Monir Yaacub and Dr Syed Ali Tawfik Al-Attas -- so far. They've cooperated well and have been dynamic in efforts to establish IKIM as a reputable think tank.
3. What is the biggest challenge faced by Tan Sri in chairing IKIM all this while?
The challenge is to open the minds of the public that Islam is a comprehensive religion that covers every sphere of life. It's not limited to prayers or fardu ain only. In fact, Islam includes trade, social aspects, inter-racial relations, politics and so on.
Hence, IKIM must identify themes for discourse that can open the minds of the public.
4. Tan Sri, what will you say on IKIM's programmes since the institute's inception 15 years ago?
As the themes discussed are topical and often current, we choose presenters from varied backgrounds and those who have done good research on the topics.
IKIM also organises a number of seminars, national and international conferences that lures scholars and experts from within and without.
Secondly, IKIM often provides its views to the government on, among others, the Islamic principles of management introduced to the Ministry of Science and Innovation.
IKIM successfully cooperated with SIRIM, and the management standards from the Islamic perspective has been published in the government gazette. This is a major milestone for IKIM in management.
Thirdly, is the Muslim Ummah Development Index (MUDI), a framework that outlines the indicators to evaluate and quantify the ummah's success using hundreds of indicators.
In setting up MUDI, IKIM has established networking with academic institutions like the International Islamic University and government bodies like the Statistics Department.
In the near future, IKIM plans to invite representatives of government bodies to study MUDI before it is adopted by the government.
Another success is the 'Value-Based Management' by IKIM that goes in hand with the corporate governance standard set by the government as a 'pre-listing requirement' for companies.
IKIM also established cooperation with MPH to publish more compelling books but it still handles the editing and marketing aspects.
Also, IKIM was given the opportunity to establish Radio IKIM.fm on July 6, 2001 where through the 24-hour broadcast, IKIM spreads its message.
Among the programmes on air is the Economic World, Women Today, Syariah and Jurisprudence, Youth and Current Issues, and Science and Civilisation.
Last year, the Islamic 'Law Corner' was established to provide clarification on Islamic laws. The public can also forward questions through the Law Corner portal at www.ikim.gov.my/suduthukum.
5. What is the public perception of IKIM?
I have yet to come across anyone critiquing IKIM, even if there were more of differences in opinion.
The perception of IKIM is also different from than of other Islamic institutions. I find that the public is more comfortable with IKIM as it adopts an open approach and is capable of providing answers to many of the present-day concerns.
The international perception is also positive with many parties keen to establish links with us. Many memoranda of understanding (MoU) have been signed including with non-Muslim organisations as they see IKIM as a think tank that can also deal with problems faced by non-Muslims.
6. What is the most significant problem of the ummah that needs to be tackled fast?
The efforts to uplift knowledge must be given priority. We may know of the basics of Islam and so on, but we have to gain as much knowledge as possible and create a deeper understanding.
We must understand the Islamic World view on the whole and its links with current issues, religion and the ummah in the highly challenging global environment.
With regard to this, IKIM has introduced the 'Mega Academic Project' as a show of appreciation for Muslim scholars like the late Prof Tan Sri Ahmad Ibrahim. I'm of the opinion that a knowledge-seeking culture must be inculcated through interaction, debates and dialogues as espoused by IKIM.
I hope more Muslims will stop over at IKIM to overcome the knowledge deficit. Other than that, IKIM also organises debates between students of public and private tertiary educational institutions, whereby through the debates IKIM hopes to inculcate the knowledge-seeking culture.
7. Tan Sri, in your speech while officiating at IKIM's 2007 Work Programme launch recently, you said this:
"It is my ambition to bring IKIM 'to another level' beyond what we have achieved in the last 14 years and in fact, I have always been thinking of how to take IKIM to another level."
Can Tan Sri dwell on this?
Up to now IKIM has functioned as a 'think tank', a repository of knowledge and as an institution that carries out missionary activities by technological means, for example, through radio.
I feel that IKIM should continue to fulfil its original objectives but at the same time it must set higher goals.
Therefore, to enhance understanding of Islam, perhaps it's also a wise move for IKIM to conduct academic courses in areas where we can contribute to scholarship.
This calls for excellent teaching staff, thinkers and better research. By changing its course, IKIM will have a bigger role to play.
Secondly, IKIM must carry out missionary activities using technology. Now IKIM has radio IKIM. If IKIM can seek more funds, it may consider venturing into television production where the programmes will be slotted in the existing television channels.
Or maybe one day, if it has the financial capacity and the government's approval, IKIM can set up its own television station and share the broadcasting equipment of other stations.
I'm very confident that through interesting and innovative programmes, understanding Islam can be made easier. This is what I mean in bringing IKIM to another level.
-- BERNAMA
INSTITUT KEFAHAMAN ISLAM MALAYSIA (IKIM) - 234432-H
2, Langgak Tunku, Off Jalan Duta, 50480 Kuala Lumpur.
Tel : 03-62046200 Faks : 03-62014189
Email : info@ikim.gov.my
A GOOD 15 YEARS FOR IKIM
14 Februari 2007
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 14 (Bernama) -- The Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM) celebrates its 15th anniversary on Feb 18, 2007.
In retrospective, it is evident that IKIM has filled the vacuum in portraying Islam the way it should be in line with the objectives of its founding.
IKIM chairman Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid has been working hard to ensure IKIM remains an organisation with an agenda to popularise Islamic thinking.
In an interview with Bernama, Ahmad Sarji talks about IKIM's achievements and its hopes for the future.
1. IKIM completes 15 years on Feb 18. As the founder, how do you feel Tan Sri?
I'm very proud of IKIM's achievements all this while. Much of its success is due to the guidance and the unwavering support from Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the former prime minister who envisioned the establishment of the organisation.
Now, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is also lending a hand to IKIM. I'm very satisfied with IKIM's performance in line with its original objectives.
2. Tan Sri, can you briefly relate how IKIM came into being?
It is an unforgettable event. It was widely known when Tun Dr Mahathir was at the helm, he turned the post-Cabinet meetings into an important forum.
One Wednesday in February 1992, after the Cabinet meeting, as usual I was discussing with him, among other things, the establishment of a think tank to enhance Islamic understanding for Muslims and Non-Muslims.
He asked me to set up the institute. I told him that I was not an Islamic scholar. Yet, he insisted that I establish the institute as being the Chief Secretary he felt I had the clout to establish the institute.
He then asked me to immediately register IKIM as a company with limited guarantee.
I was told to identify a suitable site for the institution and apply for initial funding from the government.
He also requested me to recruit qualified people to spearhead IKIM's activities and prepare a solid work programme.
IKIM came into being on Feb 18, 1992 and I was appointed the founder chairman on March 15 that year. Since then, I have been in frequent discussion with Dr Mahathir on IKIM's programmes.
Three director-generals -- Datuk Dr Ismail Ibrahim, Dr Abdul Monir Yaacub and Dr Syed Ali Tawfik Al-Attas -- so far. They've cooperated well and have been dynamic in efforts to establish IKIM as a reputable think tank.
3. What is the biggest challenge faced by Tan Sri in chairing IKIM all this while?
The challenge is to open the minds of the public that Islam is a comprehensive religion that covers every sphere of life. It's not limited to prayers or fardu ain only. In fact, Islam includes trade, social aspects, inter-racial relations, politics and so on.
Hence, IKIM must identify themes for discourse that can open the minds of the public.
4. Tan Sri, what will you say on IKIM's programmes since the institute's inception 15 years ago?
As the themes discussed are topical and often current, we choose presenters from varied backgrounds and those who have done good research on the topics.
IKIM also organises a number of seminars, national and international conferences that lures scholars and experts from within and without.
Secondly, IKIM often provides its views to the government on, among others, the Islamic principles of management introduced to the Ministry of Science and Innovation.
IKIM successfully cooperated with SIRIM, and the management standards from the Islamic perspective has been published in the government gazette. This is a major milestone for IKIM in management.
Thirdly, is the Muslim Ummah Development Index (MUDI), a framework that outlines the indicators to evaluate and quantify the ummah's success using hundreds of indicators.
In setting up MUDI, IKIM has established networking with academic institutions like the International Islamic University and government bodies like the Statistics Department.
In the near future, IKIM plans to invite representatives of government bodies to study MUDI before it is adopted by the government.
Another success is the 'Value-Based Management' by IKIM that goes in hand with the corporate governance standard set by the government as a 'pre-listing requirement' for companies.
IKIM also established cooperation with MPH to publish more compelling books but it still handles the editing and marketing aspects.
Also, IKIM was given the opportunity to establish Radio IKIM.fm on July 6, 2001 where through the 24-hour broadcast, IKIM spreads its message.
Among the programmes on air is the Economic World, Women Today, Syariah and Jurisprudence, Youth and Current Issues, and Science and Civilisation.
Last year, the Islamic 'Law Corner' was established to provide clarification on Islamic laws. The public can also forward questions through the Law Corner portal at www.ikim.gov.my/suduthukum.
5. What is the public perception of IKIM?
I have yet to come across anyone critiquing IKIM, even if there were more of differences in opinion.
The perception of IKIM is also different from than of other Islamic institutions. I find that the public is more comfortable with IKIM as it adopts an open approach and is capable of providing answers to many of the present-day concerns.
The international perception is also positive with many parties keen to establish links with us. Many memoranda of understanding (MoU) have been signed including with non-Muslim organisations as they see IKIM as a think tank that can also deal with problems faced by non-Muslims.
6. What is the most significant problem of the ummah that needs to be tackled fast?
The efforts to uplift knowledge must be given priority. We may know of the basics of Islam and so on, but we have to gain as much knowledge as possible and create a deeper understanding.
We must understand the Islamic World view on the whole and its links with current issues, religion and the ummah in the highly challenging global environment.
With regard to this, IKIM has introduced the 'Mega Academic Project' as a show of appreciation for Muslim scholars like the late Prof Tan Sri Ahmad Ibrahim. I'm of the opinion that a knowledge-seeking culture must be inculcated through interaction, debates and dialogues as espoused by IKIM.
I hope more Muslims will stop over at IKIM to overcome the knowledge deficit. Other than that, IKIM also organises debates between students of public and private tertiary educational institutions, whereby through the debates IKIM hopes to inculcate the knowledge-seeking culture.
7. Tan Sri, in your speech while officiating at IKIM's 2007 Work Programme launch recently, you said this:
"It is my ambition to bring IKIM 'to another level' beyond what we have achieved in the last 14 years and in fact, I have always been thinking of how to take IKIM to another level."
Can Tan Sri dwell on this?
Up to now IKIM has functioned as a 'think tank', a repository of knowledge and as an institution that carries out missionary activities by technological means, for example, through radio.
I feel that IKIM should continue to fulfil its original objectives but at the same time it must set higher goals.
Therefore, to enhance understanding of Islam, perhaps it's also a wise move for IKIM to conduct academic courses in areas where we can contribute to scholarship.
This calls for excellent teaching staff, thinkers and better research. By changing its course, IKIM will have a bigger role to play.
Secondly, IKIM must carry out missionary activities using technology. Now IKIM has radio IKIM. If IKIM can seek more funds, it may consider venturing into television production where the programmes will be slotted in the existing television channels.
Or maybe one day, if it has the financial capacity and the government's approval, IKIM can set up its own television station and share the broadcasting equipment of other stations.
I'm very confident that through interesting and innovative programmes, understanding Islam can be made easier. This is what I mean in bringing IKIM to another level.
-- BERNAMA
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